The period after June 2014 has seen forces from the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL), an armed group, spread quickly across Iraq. This process has led to massive displacements in which affected over two million people. Indeed, the primary targets of ISIL have been religious and ethnic minorities. Some of these groups include Yazidis, Shabak, Kaka’i, and Christians. Also, ISIL has abducted or injured many people, with thousands also killed. Examples of adverse actions that the armed group has committed include severe human rights abuses such as the looting of property, the abduction of children, the destruction of places of worship, sexual enslavement, rape, forced conversion, and summary executions. Whereas the period before the insurgency group’s entry still witnessed minorities exist as a vulnerable group, the violence led by ISIL has threatened to eliminate them permanently from regions such as the Nineveh Plains, have lived in these areas for several centuries. The main question purpose of this paper is to examine the future status of minorities in post-ISIL Iraq? ISIL. I will argue that although ISIL had been defeated in Iraq, their impact will be critical on Iraqi Minorities Even after the demise of ISIL. Currently, informal settlements, abandoned buildings, and camps in which the displaced persons live reflect deteriorating humanitarian conditions. With international agencies experiencing limited resources and also the government failing to offer an effective response, most of the international displaced people (IDPs)[1] do not have enough shelter, health care, water, food, and other essential items. Indeed, most vulnerable groups include children and women. At a time when the majority are contemplating emigration out of Iraq, their survival in the immediate and far future rests upon collaboration among four groups that include the international community, the Iraqi government, Kurdish authorities, and minorities themselves. Some of the specific areas that need to be addressed include the asylum dilemma, reconciliation and restoration, preventing future abuses, legislation, and humanitarian issues.

A deeply complicated situation characterizes Mesopotamia and its neighborhood, with a lasting solution to the fate of minorities in the region yet to be comprehended. In this secondary study, the central purpose is to investigate issues and the fate of Christians in the Nineveh Plains, ranging from their dream for self-governance to the displaced nightmare. Particularly, the study seeks to gain insight into prospects of self-governance for minorities, shedding light on some of the platforms that the affected communities could exploit to realize this dream, as well as major hurdles that they might encounter. The study’s specific objectives include the examination of the current degree of success in Iraqi minorities’ quest for self-governance, some of the challenges facing the community, and some of the feasible solutions that are worth embracing. From the findings, some of the challenges facing Iraqi minorities’ quest for self-governance are seen to include the KRG harassment and land seizures and the labelling of Yazidis as Kurds due to political factors, translating into irritation. Another hurdle is that Peshmerga soldiers are an unpredictable threat, especially after they abandoned Yazidi and Christian villages during the onslaught by ISIS. Therefore, self-governance and self-determination are the key factors that would necessitate chances of Iraqi minorities’ survival, but the reconciliation process requires interventions by international organizations such as those in the West, with the United States Institute of Peace (USIP) unexceptional.

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The relation between the U.S and Kurds has always been problematic. The main question of this study is to address what type of relations are between KRG and U.S? Is there a specific U.S policy towards KRG? To answer these questions, we have depended on the theory of Structural Realism, especially the concept of Offensive Realism which has been developed by John Mearsheimer on the one hand, and the English school on the other hand. Offensive realism can be helpful to understand the behaviour of great powers, such as the U.S., and English school to understand international community and international order. It has been concluded that, so far there is no direct U.S policy or strategy towards the KRG. The U.S interaction with the KRG has always been identified by specific interested and indirect (third) issue. Therefore, it is important to know that the U.S- KRG relation throughout its history has always been linked to another issue, especially the domestic changes in Iraq and regional developments in the Levan and Persian Gulf. The U.S has always followed its realistic approach in its relations with KRG, in particular in protecting the regional state system and international order.

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