Seventy-six countries improved their scores in the 2016 GTI while countries deteriorated. However, the overall GTI score deteriorated by six per cent since last year due to many countries experiencing record levels of terrorism. The five countries with the highest impact from terrorism as measured by the GTI are Iraq, Afghanistan, Nigeria, Pakistan and Syria. These five countries accounted for 72 per cent of all deaths from terrorism in 2015. Deaths from terrorism decreased by ten per cent in 2015 to 29,376. This is the first decrease in number of deaths recorded since 2010. Iraq and Nigeria had the biggest decreases with 5,556 fewer deaths. This constitutes a 32 per cent reduction in these two countries since 2014. In OECD member countries, deaths from terrorism dramatically increased in 2015, rising by 650 per cent when compared to 2014. Twenty-one of the 34 OECD countries experienced at least one terrorist attack with the majority of deaths occurring in Turkey and France. ISIL-affiliated groups undertook attacks in 28 countries in 2015, up from 13 countries in 2014. There were 274 known terrorist groups that carried out an attack in 2015, of these 103 groups did not kill anyone. Twenty-three countries recorded their highest number of deaths from terrorism in 2015. This is six more than the previous high of 17 countries in 2014.

In Western states with a sizeable Muslim community the introduction of the sharia at least partially, in certain fieldsis being raised again and again. In most cases it is not a question of the Sharia overtaking the local legal system or of establishing a parallel legal structure, but rather the implementation of some elements of Islamic law and the applicability thereof. The Sharia councils/courts, authorized within the Muslim community to interpret Islamic law, deal primarily with family law (marriage and divorce, inheritance, etc.).It should be noted, however, that this is not about the Muslim minorities and their host communities only, but on a more general level has a wider relevance in every religious-cultural community. Namely, how can religious law/rules operate and what is its relation to the official law of the state.In the past few years, wherever this question was raised (mostly in Great-Britain and Canada), it was followed by hot, emotionally charged debates, in which emotional considerations often suppressed rational arguments. Such debates usually did not focus on the operation of the religious courts per se, but rather on the applicability of Islamic law and/or of certain elements of the Sharia. Even more so as the question, besides its legal consequences, has a symbolic relevance over and above the concrete cases. This could serve as a further argument in the debate over the wide-spread narrative of the 'Islamization of Europe' and the (forced) expansion of Islam.There are several topics for debate, even if emotions are put aside/left out of consideration. The question is not only if jurisdiction on a religious basis can coexist with the local 'official' state law, or if the danger of a 'parallel' legal system is realistic, or what happens if religious councils/courts pass a resolution in contradiction with the official legal system of the state. Yet, if the values of a minority culture clash or are different on certain points from the established Western values, this may cause not only a threat to the existing domestic order but may even result in erupting violence. (Among European/Western circumstances such an 'ignition' could be the situation of women in Islam and the legal consequences thereof.) Another question is how the introduction of only some elements of Islamic law would affect the protection of human rights of the individualsyet again a very

The period after June 2014 has seen forces from the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL), an armed group, spread quickly across Iraq. This process has led to massive displacements in which affected over two million people. Indeed, the primary targets of ISIL have been religious and ethnic minorities. Some of these groups include Yazidis, Shabak, Kaka’i, and Christians. Also, ISIL has abducted or injured many people, with thousands also killed. Examples of adverse actions that the armed group has committed include severe human rights abuses such as the looting of property, the abduction of children, the destruction of places of worship, sexual enslavement, rape, forced conversion, and summary executions. Whereas the period before the insurgency group’s entry still witnessed minorities exist as a vulnerable group, the violence led by ISIL has threatened to eliminate them permanently from regions such as the Nineveh Plains, have lived in these areas for several centuries. The main question purpose of this paper is to examine the future status of minorities in post-ISIL Iraq? ISIL. I will argue that although ISIL had been defeated in Iraq, their impact will be critical on Iraqi Minorities Even after the demise of ISIL. Currently, informal settlements, abandoned buildings, and camps in which the displaced persons live reflect deteriorating humanitarian conditions. With international agencies experiencing limited resources and also the government failing to offer an effective response, most of the international displaced people (IDPs)[1] do not have enough shelter, health care, water, food, and other essential items. Indeed, most vulnerable groups include children and women. At a time when the majority are contemplating emigration out of Iraq, their survival in the immediate and far future rests upon collaboration among four groups that include the international community, the Iraqi government, Kurdish authorities, and minorities themselves. Some of the specific areas that need to be addressed include the asylum dilemma, reconciliation and restoration, preventing future abuses, legislation, and humanitarian issues.

A tanulmány a civilizáció és a kultúra szerepét vizsgálja a globalizálódó nemzetközi rendszerben. Rámutat a helyzet ellentmondásosságára, az egységesülés és a széttöredezés, a globalizáció és a deglobalizáció, a civilizációs és decivilizációs folyamat egyidejű érvényesülésére. Bemutatja a civilizáció és a kultúra különböző értelmezéseit, a fogalmak egyes és többes számú alakjainak (civilizáció – civilizációk, kultúra – kultúrák) használatában rejlő ellentmondásokat. Globális civilizációról csupán technicista-instrumentalista értelemben beszélhetünk, a szó társadalom-, illetve történelemfilozófiai értelmében nem. Napjainkat a lokális identitások szerepének széles körű előretörése jellemzi. A tanulmány bemutatja a globális kultúra több típusát, köztük azt a nemzetköziesedett elit kultúrát, amelynek az oktatás – mindenekelőtt a felsőoktatás – is része.

A deeply complicated situation characterizes Mesopotamia and its neighborhood, with a lasting solution to the fate of minorities in the region yet to be comprehended. In this secondary study, the central purpose is to investigate issues and the fate of Christians in the Nineveh Plains, ranging from their dream for self-governance to the displaced nightmare. Particularly, the study seeks to gain insight into prospects of self-governance for minorities, shedding light on some of the platforms that the affected communities could exploit to realize this dream, as well as major hurdles that they might encounter. The study’s specific objectives include the examination of the current degree of success in Iraqi minorities’ quest for self-governance, some of the challenges facing the community, and some of the feasible solutions that are worth embracing. From the findings, some of the challenges facing Iraqi minorities’ quest for self-governance are seen to include the KRG harassment and land seizures and the labelling of Yazidis as Kurds due to political factors, translating into irritation. Another hurdle is that Peshmerga soldiers are an unpredictable threat, especially after they abandoned Yazidi and Christian villages during the onslaught by ISIS. Therefore, self-governance and self-determination are the key factors that would necessitate chances of Iraqi minorities’ survival, but the reconciliation process requires interventions by international organizations such as those in the West, with the United States Institute of Peace (USIP) unexceptional.