BACKGROUNDContacts with the criminal legal system have consequences for a host of outcomes. Still, early life age patterns of system involvement remain to be better understood. OBJECTIVEWe estimate cumulative risks of arrest, probation, and incarceration from childhood through early adulthood and assess disparities by race/ethnicity, gender, and parental education. METHODSData come from the Transition to Adulthood Supplement of the Panel Study of Income Dynamics (n = 2,736). We use Kaplan-Meier curves and Cox regression models to estimate cumulative risks of arrest, probation, and incarceration across the early life course and document disparities by race/ethnicity, gender, and parental education, as well as at their intersections.

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Studies in the United Kingdom have shown distinctions in intergenerational co-residency between UK-born and foreign-born individuals, however, little research has examined how factors such as immigrant incorporation, economic adaptation, and kin availability shape household formation patterns among immigrants. This paper uses data from the UK Household Longitudinal Study (2009–2010) to explore differences in the likelihood of UK-born and foreign-born working-aged adults to co-reside with at least one parent, highlighting distinctions by life stage (age) at migration and gender. Results show that, regardless of life stage at migration, foreign-born women and men are less likely to co-reside with parents than UK-born, however, intergenerational co-residency is high among some second-generation immigrant groups, particularly UK-born Indian, Pakistani, and Bangladeshi individuals. These findings challenge cultural assumptions about household formation patterns and point to the need for additional research on how economic inequality, kin availability, and gender norms shape immigrant household composition.

Prior research shows links between the timing of migration and family formation, particularly childbearing, among Hispanic immigrants in the United States, with implications for socioeconomic well-being. However, temporal connections between migration and union formation, particularly non-marital cohabiting unions, remain underexplored. As cohabiting unions have long coexisted with marriage in parts of Latin America, this omission may be particularly misrepresentative of the family formation strategies of Hispanic immigrants. Drawing on data from the National Survey of Family Growth (2011–2017), I examine the association between the timing of migration and entry into first marital or non-marital (cohabiting) union, treating marriage and cohabitation as competing events for first union type. Among women whose first union was non-marital, I also examine the relationship between migration and the likelihood of transitioning out of the non-marital union, either through marriage or union dissolution. Results show that marriage formation was high the year of migration, and increased again only after 6 years post-migration, whereas cohabitation was high the year of migration and continued to increase with each period following migration. Furthermore, non-marital unions formed prior to migration were likely to transition to marriage or dissolve, while those formed after migration were likely to remain non-marital. These findings point to distinctions in the types of partnerships formed before and after migration and to the salience of non-marital unions for women who migrate unpartnered, demonstrating the need for further research on the socioeconomic integration and well-being of unmarried or cohabiting immigrant women, and the dynamic connections between migration, gender, and family.