Cross-border reproductive care (CBRC) is a rapidly growing phenomenon of interest to governments and regulators, professionals working within the field of assisted reproductive technologies and men and women seeking to use their services. However, to date, discussions have been dominated by media debates and scholarly commentary, with only partial and fragmentary evidence from empirical research studies. This article identifies the pressing gaps in the literature, elucidates the main theoretical and methodological challenges for investigating CBRC and outlines a future research agenda. Cross-border reproductive care (CBRC) is a rapidly growing phenomenon of interest to governments and regulators, professionals working within the field of assisted reproductive technologies and men and women seeking to use their services. However, to date, discussions have been dominated by media debates and scholarly commentary, with only partial and fragmentary evidence from empirical research studies. This article identifies the pressing gaps in the literature, elucidates the main theoretical and methodological challenges for investigating CBRC and outlines a future research agenda.
In March 2010, Turkey became the first country to legislate against the cross-border travel of its citizens seeking third-party reproductive assistance. Although the use of donor eggs, donor spermatozoa and surrogacy had been illegal in Turkey since the introduction of a regulatory framework for assisted reproductive treatment in 1987, men and women were free to access these treatments in other jurisdictions. In some cases, such travel for cross-border reproductive care (CBRC) was even facilitated by sophisticated arrangements between IVF clinics in Turkey and in other countries, particularly in Cyprus. However, new amendments to Turkey's assisted reproduction legislation specifically forbid travel for the purposes of third-party assisted reproduction. This article outlines the cultural context of assisted reproductive treatment in Turkey; details the Turkish assisted reproduction legislation, particularly as it pertains to third-party reproductive assistance; explores Turkish attitudes towards donor gametes and surrogacy; assesses the existence and extent of CBRC prior to March 2010; and discusses some of the legal, ethical and practical implications of the new legislation. As CBRC becomes an increasingly pertinent issue, eliciting debate and discussion at both national and international levels, it is important to carefully consider the particular circumstances and potential consequences of this unique example.
Whilst studies of 'Parenting Culture' and 'Assisted Reproductive Technologies' (ARTs) are now well-established areas of social science scholarship, so far, the potential connections between the two fields have not been significantly explored. Responding to calls for a more 'processual' approach to studying reproduction (Almeling, 2015) in order to make clearer contributions to sociological theory more broadly, we begin a dialogue between these mutually relevant bodies of literature, highlighting connections and crosscutting findings. We focus on four interlinked themes -Reflexivity, Gender, Expertise and Stratification -and promote a more holistic approach to understanding how children are conceived and cared for within the current 'Euro-American' reproductive landscape. By way of conclusion, we draw attention to the contemporary context of 'anxious reproduction' and propose directions for future research.
Purpose To better understand the characteristics of patients who returned to thaw their frozen eggs to attempt conception and their outcomes. Methods A retrospective analysis of clinical records for all own egg thaw patients in two UK fertility clinics across 10 years, 2008-2017. Results There were 129 patients who returned to thaw their eggs, of which 46 had originally frozen their eggs for social reasons and 83 for a variety of clinical, incidental, and ethical reasons (which we have called Bnon-social^). Women who had frozen their eggs for social reasons were single at time of freeze, with an average age of 37.7. They kept their eggs in storage for just under 5 years, returning to use them at the average age of 42.5. 43.5% were single at time of thaw, and 47.8% used donor sperm to fertilise their eggs. Women whose eggs were frozen for non-social reasons were almost all (97.6%) in a relationship at both time of freeze and thaw. They had an average age of 37.2 at first freeze and 37.6 at thaw, having kept their eggs in storage for an average of 0.4 years. Overall, there was a 20.9% success rate among women attempting conception with frozen-thawed eggs. Conclusions Despite widespread assumptions, many women attempting conception with thawed eggs had not initially frozen them for social reasons. Women who froze their eggs for social reasons presented distinctly and statistically different characteristics at both time of freeze and thaw to women whose eggs were frozen for non-social reasons.
Cross-border reproductive care (CBRC) is a fast-growing phenomenon at the intersection of medicine, law, business and travel. Often referred to as 'reproductive tourism', 'procreative tourism' or 'fertility tourism'
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