In China during the reform period, the multitude of conflicts between the state or its agents and peasants has become a serious concern for the Chinese government. A fundamental reason for these conflicts is the fact that peasants' basic economic or political interests have been threatened or ignored. Using the case of non-agricultural use of farmland, this study seeks to explain why the peasants' lack of resistive power appears institutionalized in China. The use of rural land often gives rise to conflicts because peasants are usually under-compensated for their land. Facing the encroachment of their interests, peasants may take ex ante preventive action and ex post measures. While ex ante action is more effective, it is not always feasible because it needs the organizing of village cadres. Hence, peasants are weak because usually action can only be taken ex post, which, more often than not, is ineffective because of the political arrangements through which the state, peasants and cadres interact.

Background HIV self-testing (HIVST) offers an opportunity to increase HIV testing among people not reached by facility-based services. However, the promotion of HIVST is limited due to insufficient community engagement. We built a Social Entrepreneurship Model (SET) to promote HIVST linkage to care among Chinese MSM in Guangzhou. Method SET model includes a few key steps: Each participant first completed an online survey, and paid a $23 USD (refundable) deposit to get a HIVST kit and a syphilis self-testing (SST) kit. After the testing, the results were sent to the platform by the participants and interpreted by CDC staff. Meanwhile, the deposit was returned to each participant. Finally, the CBO contacted the participants to provide counseling services, confirmation testing and linkage to care. Result During April–June of 2015, a total of 198 MSM completed a preliminary survey and purchased self-testing kits. Among them, the majority were aged under 34 (84.4%) and met partners online (93.1%). In addition, 68.9% of participants ever tested for HIV, and 19.5% had ever performed HIVST. Overall, feedback was received from 192 (97.0%) participants. Among these, 14 people did not use kits, and the HIV and syphilis prevalence among these users were of 4.5% (8/178) and 3.7% (6/178), respectively. All of the screened HIV-positive cases sought further confirmation testing and were linked to care. Conclusion Using an online SET model to promote HIV and syphilis among Chinese MSM is acceptable and feasible, and this model adds a new testing platform to the current testing service system.

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Since the 1990s, the Chinese government has carried out the reform of state-owned enterprises involving the retrenchment of millions of workers. One outcome of this reform has been labour unrest across the country. This article addresses the following questions about laid-off workers' collective resistance to the reform: why has collective action repeatedly occurred in a still authoritarian regime; and when are the workers more likely to take action? It argues that the workers' action is a result of two types of interaction, one between the workers and the government, and the other among workers themselves. Collective action is likely to occur when the workers expect to succeed. In addition, workers should be able to co-ordinate their actions, which is likely when there are mechanisms that make mobilization among them possible. The article concludes that worker resistance in the 1990s was not enough to stop the reform because several constraints made it difficult for them to take forceful action.

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