It is contended that service delivery is the core function of developmental local government. The provision of services such as waste management, water and health services is closely associated with the well-being of urban dwellers. In the period leading to the adoption of Zimbabwe’s 2013 Constitution, many people supported the devolution of services and functions to local government. It was a major victory when local government was elevated and given constitutional protection. There was great expectation that service delivery would improve in the cities, towns and smaller urban centres. Seven years later, that expectation appears not to have been realised. Instead, indications are that urban service delivery is experiencing a downward spiral. Using open-ended questionnaires, closed-ended questionnaires and the focus group discussions research methods, the article investigates the drivers of inadequate service provision in four urban areas in Zimbabwe. The paper also proffers suggestions for improving service delivery. The results of the study underscore that the causes of insufficient service provision are multi-pronged and not necessarily limited to inefficiency and ineffectiveness on the part of urban councils. In fact, a major recurring finding is that national government policies are big factors contributing towards the decline of urban service delivery.
In African elections, the period between polling and announcement can be protracted and tense. In the best cases, this intermission is marked by hopeful candidates urging tense supporters to stay calm. In the worst cases, such periods are used by politicians to hurl accusations of fraud back and forth to work up partisanship and devalue electoral institutions. The days between an election and its results are stressful because incomplete information about this constituency or that trickles out, but partisans have few systematic ways to compare these data with past results or exit polling, and worry that the missing data are somehow being tampered with. This paper shows how OLS regression using past results to fill in partial results can not only reduce uncertainty in the short term, but may also point out whether or not withheld results seem plausible. What began as a simple social media experiment is presented here as an elegant formula that accurately predicts outcomes across Ghana's Fourth Republic and in Nigeria's 2015 presidential election. This accuracy was achieved with as little as 10% of the results in, and extremely biased samples.
The outcome of the 2016 local government elections in which the ANC lost substantial support, fuelled early speculation on not only the outcome of the 2019 general elections, but also on the factors which were likely to determine party support. Added to this was the deteriorating political and socio-economic situation in South Africa. Against this background, two national surveys were undertaken in October/November 2017 and October/ November 2018 to establish the factors at these particular times that were likely to influence the vote choice of South Africans. From both surveys it was found that South African voters increasingly base their choice of a party on rational considerations. Trust in the president was a particularly important predictor of voter choice. In the first survey, loss of trust in the president (Zuma) resulted in a loss of faith in the ANC and in support of the party; while in the second survey, the converse was true: an increase in trust in the president (Ramaphosa) reflected an increased trust in and support for the party. Other predictors of vote choice in both surveys include a desire for socio-economic well-being and hope for a better future; the fear of losing a social grant; age; and racialised party images.
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