We used six waves of the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth-Child Data (1986-1996) to assess the relative impact of adverse birth outcomes vis-à-vis social risk factors on children's developmental outcomes. Using the Peabody Individual Achievement Tests of Mathematics and Reading Recognition as our outcome variables, we also evaluated the dynamic nature of biological and social risk factors from ages 6 to 14. We found the following: (1) birth weight is significantly related to developmental outcomes, net of important social and economic controls; (2) the effect associated with adverse birth outcomes is significantly more pronounced at very low birth weights (< 1,500 grams) than at moderately low birth weights (1,500-2,499 grams); (3) whereas the relative effect of very low-birth-weight status is large, the effect of moderately low weight status, when compared with race/ethnicity and mother's education, is small; and (4) the observed differentials between moderately low-birth-weight and normal-birth-weight children are substantially smaller among older children in comparison with younger children.

No abstract

Efforts to reduce infant mortality in the United States have failed to incorporate paternal involvement. Research suggests that paternal involvement, which has been recognized as contributing to child development and health for many decades, is likely to affect infant mortality through the mother's well-being, primarily her access to resources and support. In spite of that, systemic barriers facing the father and the influence on his involvement in the pregnancy have received little attention. The Commission on Paternal Involvement in Pregnancy Outcomes (CPIPO) has identified the most important social barriers to paternal involvement during pregnancy and outlined a set of key policy priorities aimed at fostering paternal involvement. This article summarizes the key recommendations, including equitable paternity leave, elimination of marriage as a tax and public assistance penalty, integration of fatherhood initiatives in MCH programs, support of low-income fathers through employment training, father inclusion in family planning services, and expansion of birth data collection to include father information.

Little is known about the causes of maternal parenting stress in the Mexican American population. We examine determinants of parenting stress among Mexican American mothers in comparison to non-Hispanic white and non-Hispanic black mothers. We base our analysis on Belsky’s conceptual model (1984), which specifies predictors of parenting stress in three domains: maternal characteristics, child characteristics, and social context. Using data from the Fragile Families and Child Wellbeing Study, a national survey of new mothers conducted in large cities beginning in 1998, we draw a sample of 2,898 mothers from diverse racial and ethnic backgrounds. Our findings suggest differences in the determinants of parenting stress by racial or ethnic group. Overall, the patterns of parenting stress for non-Hispanic white and non-Hispanic black mothers are fairly consistent with Belsky’s parenting model. However, for Mexican American mothers social support, but not partner support, ameliorate parenting stress and depression is not associated with parenting stress. Importantly as well, despite significant social disadvantage, the levels of parenting stress in Mexican American mothers does not significantly differ from those of non-Hispanic whites. Specific recommendations are made to practitioners for culturally competent responses to parenting stress in the provision of social services to Mexican American families. Implications for future research are twofold: our study calls for the incorporation of diverse samples when examining the determinants of parenting stress and for the development of theoretical frameworks that reflect the unique aspects of psychosocial well-being among Mexican Americans.

Based on an in-depth analysis of current empirical research, this article presents a framework for understanding the cultural experience of the Mexican American population and presents implications for innovative health promotion practices with women and their families. The framework sheds light on the complex ways in which individuals from this population integrate their cultural values in their everyday responses to health. Three patterns emerge: (a) cultural expectations and beliefs can be shared by and work complementarily in the family and the larger social context; (b) cultural beliefs can be a source of tension and stress as a result of pressures in the environment; and (c) cultural values can become less important than other concerns, such as problems related to access when dealing with the healthcare system.