For adolescents with celiac disease (CD), a gluten-free diet (GFD) is crucial for health, but compliance is problematic and noncompliance is common even among those aware of the risks. To better understand their lives with the disease, Swedish CD adolescents were invited to take part in focus group discussions. Data were analyzed for recurrent stigma-related themes across the groups. Adolescents described an awareness of being different from others that was produced by meal appearance and the poor availability of gluten-free food. The GFD often required discussions and special requests, so eating in public had the effect of making an invisible condition visible, and thereby creating a context for felt or enacted stigma. Maintaining invisibility avoided negative consequences of stigma, and other strategies were used to reduce the costs of visibility. The results of the study show that the GFD can produce stigma experiences in adolescence, and that dietary compliance (or lack thereof) can be understood in terms of dealing with GFD concealment and disclosure.
Background: Knowledge is lacking about dietary habits among people with intellectual disability (ID) living in community residences under new living conditions. Objective: To describe the dietary habits of individuals with ID living in community residences, focusing on intake of food, energy and nutrients as well as meal patterns. Design: Assisted food records and physical activity records over a 3-day observation period for 32 subjects. Results: Great variation was observed in daily energy intake (4.9Á14 MJ) dispersed across several meals, with on average 26% of the energy coming from in-between-meal consumption. Main energy sources were milk products, bread, meat products, buns and cakes. The daily intake of fruit and vegetables (3209221 g) as well as dietary fiber (2199.6 g) was generally low. For four vitamins and two minerals, 19Á34% of subjects showed an intake below average requirement (AR). The physical activity level (PAL) was low for all individuals (1.49 0.1). Conclusion: A regular meal pattern with a relatively high proportion of energy from in-between-meal eating occasions and a low intake of especially fruits were typical of this group of people with ID. However, the total intake of energy and other food items varied a great deal between individuals. Thus, every adult with ID has to be treated as an individual with specific needs. A need for more knowledge about food in general and particularly how fruit and vegetables could be included in cooking as well as encouraged to be eaten as inbetween-meals seems imperative in the new living conditions for adults with ID.
dolescents with coeliac disease experience various dilemmas related to the gluten-free diet. The study demonstrated unmet needs and implies empowerment strategies for optimum clinical outcomes.
Food provision and the mealtime situation for the elderly are shaped by the individual's living arrangements, and the social organization surrounding it, not determined by the individual's needs and wishes, including social and cultural meanings of food and meals, which could, thereby, affect nutritional intake.
The aim of this research was to examine the cost of a diet generally regarded as healthy, a Swedish version of the Mediterranean diet, and to compare it with the cost of an ordinary Swedish diet. A total of 30 individuals provided detailed dietary data collected in a randomized intervention study, examining the effect of dietary change to a Mediterranean‐style diet in patients with rheumatoid arthritis (Mediterranean group, n = 16, control group, n = 14). The data, covering 1‐month dietary intake, were examined with three different diet quality indicators to see whether the Mediterranean group consumed a healthier diet than the control group. All diet quality indicators showed that the Mediterranean group consumed a healthier diet than the control group. Consumer food prices were used to analyse the cost of the different diets. In immediate consumer cost terms, eating a healthier diet was more expensive when differences in energy intake were discounted. However, non‐energy adjusted costs showed no significant difference between the groups. Hence, if one of the reasons for choosing a healthier diet is to achieve weight loss – by consuming less energy – it is possible that healthier eating is not more expensive.
Social relationships within and outside the household complicated the accomplishment of healthy dietary changes. Hence, it is important to acknowledge the social context of the changer when dietary change is to be implemented.
Research on healthy aging commonly concerns problems related to loneliness and food intake. These are not independent aspects of health since eating, beyond its biological necessity, is a central part of social life. This scoping review aimed to map scientific articles on eating alone or together among community-living older people, and to identify relevant research gaps. Four databases were searched, 989 articles were identified and 98 fulfilled the inclusion criteria. In the first theme, eating alone or together are treated as central topics of interest, isolated from adjoining, broader concepts such as social participation. In the second, eating alone or together are one aspect of the findings, e.g., one of several risk factors for malnutrition. Findings confirm the significance of commensality in older peoples’ life. We recommend future research designs allowing identification of causal relationships, using refined ways of measuring meals alone or together, and qualitative methods adding complexity.
Comparisons between younger and older women in the kitchen usually focus on the historical argument that younger women do not have the domestic cooking skills of their mothers or grandmothers. At one level, this is convincing because there is now demonstrably greater reliance on ready meals and processed foods, and less on the home production of meals from raw ingredients. Compared with the immediate post‐Second World War years, not so much time is routinely spent in the kitchen, and food preparation is no longer a task central to the lives of many women. The availability of meals or meal components requiring less domestic labour and improved kitchen technology are both factors in this transformation of women's lives. However, they are not just available to the young. So, this research questions the impact of these factors across the age spectrum. Older women may have had very different domestic experiences earlier in their lives but have they now converged with the practices of younger women? How do younger and older women compare in terms of their food practices and the cooking skills they currently use in the kitchen? Using Scottish questionnaire data from a cross‐national study, this paper reports on the differences and similarities for 37 younger women (25–45 years; mean 32 years) and 43 older women (60–75 years; mean 68 years) in their actual use of specific food preparation and cooking techniques, the kind of meals they made, and the extent to which they ate out or ordered in meals for home consumption. Results indicated that while there were some differences in food preparation, the use of fresh ingredients and the style of cooking undertaken in the home, these were mostly marginal. There were similar response patterns for the adequacy of their domestic facilities and equipment. There was, however, a notable divergence in their patterns of eating meals out, or phoning out for meals. These data suggest that while younger and older women – different cooking generations – do differ, the way they differ is related more to current lifestyle factors than to any highly differentiated domestic food preparation and cooking skills.
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