Background Law enforcement is often the first to respond to medical emergencies in the community, including overdose. Due to the nature of their job, officers have also witnessed first-hand the changing demographic of drug users and devastating effects on their community associated with the epidemic of nonmedical prescription opioid use in the United States. Despite this seminal role, little data exist on law enforcement attitudes toward overdose prevention and response. Methods We conducted key informant interviews as part of a 12-week Rapid Assessment and Response (RAR) process that aimed to better understand and prevent nonmedical prescription opioid use and overdose deaths in locations in Connecticut and Rhode Island experiencing overdose “outbreaks.” Interviews with 13 law enforcement officials across three study sites were analyzed to uncover themes on overdose prevention and naloxone. Results Findings indicated support for law enforcement involvement in overdose prevention. Hesitancy around naloxone administration by laypersons was evident. Interview themes highlighted officers’ feelings of futility and frustration with their current overdose response options, the lack of accessible local drug treatment, the cycle of addiction, and the pervasiveness of easily accessible prescription opioid medications in their communities. Overdose prevention and response, which for some officers included law enforcement-administered naloxone, were viewed as components of community policing and good police-community relations. Conclusion Emerging trends, such as existing law enforcement medical interventions and Good Samaritan Laws, suggest the need for broader law enforcement engagement around this pressing public health crisis, even in suburban and small town locations, to promote public safety.

No abstract

Increases in drug abuse, injection, and opioid overdoses in suburban communities led us to study injectors residing in suburban communities in southwestern Connecticut, US. We sought to understand the influence of residence on risk and injection-associated diseases. Injectors were recruited by respondent-driven sampling and interviewed about sociodemographics, somatic and mental health, injection risk, and interactions with healthcare, harm reduction, substance abuse treatment, and criminal justice systems. HIV, hepatitis B and C (HBV and HCV) serological testing was also conducted. Our sample was consistent in geographic distribution and age to the general population and to the patterns of heroin-associated overdose deaths in the suburban towns. High rates of interaction with drug abuse treatment and criminal justice systems contrasted with scant use of harm reduction services. The only factors associated with both dependent variables—residence in less disadvantaged census tracts and more injection risk—were younger age and injecting in one’s own residence. This contrasts with the common association among urban injectors of injection-associated risk behaviors and residence in disadvantaged communities. Poor social support and moderate/severe depression were associated with risky injection practices (but not residence in specific classes of census tracts), suggesting that a region-wide dual diagnosis approach to the expansion of harm reduction services could be effective at reducing the negative consequences of injection drug use.

Background: Fatal overdoses involving cocaine (powdered or crack) and fentanyl have increased nationally and in Massachusetts. It is unclear how overdose risk and preparedness to respond to an overdose differs by patterns of cocaine and opioid use. Methods: From 2017 to 2019, we conducted a nine-community mixed-methods study of Massachusetts residents who use drugs. Using survey data from 465 participants with past-month cocaine and/or opioid use, we examined global differences (p < 0.05) in overdose risk and response preparedness by patterns of cocaine and opioid use. Qualitative interviews (n = 172) contextualized survey findings. Results: The majority of the sample (66%) used cocaine and opioids in the past month; 18.9% used opioids alone; 9.2% used cocaine and had no opioid use history; and 6.2% used cocaine and had an opioid use history. Relative to those with a current/past history of opioid use, significantly fewer of those with no opioid use history were aware of fentanyl in the drug supply, carried naloxone, and had received naloxone training. Qualitative interviews documented how people who use cocaine and have no history of opioid use are largely unprepared to recognize and respond to an overdose. Conclusions: Public health efforts are needed to increase fentanyl awareness and overdose prevention preparedness among people primarily using cocaine.

A growing body of recent research has identified that "rave" attendees are at high risk for the use of "club drugs," such as 3,4-methylenedioxymethamphetamine (MDMA or "ecstasy"). Rave attendees, however, comprise only one of several club-going populations. In the current study, we explore the prevalence of ecstasy and other club drug (EOCD) use among a sample of club attendees in Washington, DC. Data were collected from adult, primarily homosexual, club attendees during the summer of 2003. Data collection was scheduled between 11 p.m. and 3 a.m. Participation rates were high. Of the 211 club attendees approached, 88% (n = 186) completed the interview. Drug use prevalence rates were low. With the exception of alcohol and marijuana, 2-day self-reports were less than 1% for each drug. These findings, amalgamated with results from other EOCD-related studies involving several distinct populations, offer considerable insight into the state of ecstasy in American society. Based on a meta-analysis of this literature, we offer a community-level prevention intervention for the population at highest risk for EOCD use-rave attendees.