A large literature proposes that preferences for exaggerated sex typicality in human faces (masculinity/femininity) reflect a long evolutionary history of sexual and social selection. This proposal implies that dimorphism was important to judgments of attractiveness and personality in ancestral environments. It is difficult to evaluate, however, because most available data come from largescale, industrialized, urban populations. Here, we report the results for 12 populations with very diverse levels of economic development. Surprisingly, preferences for exaggerated sex-specific traits are only found in the novel, highly developed environments. Similarly, perceptions that masculine males look aggressive increase strongly with development and, specifically, urbanization. These data challenge the hypothesis that facial dimorphism was an important ancestral signal of heritable mate value. One possibility is that highly developed environments provide novel opportunities to discern relationships between facial traits and behavior by exposing individuals to large numbers of unfamiliar faces, revealing patterns too subtle to detect with smaller samples.facial attractiveness | evolution | cross-cultural | aggression | stereotyping
Conventional wisdom holds that the polygynous family system is as sexually and emotionally satisfying as a monogamous one. Ethnographic accounts of 69 polyg>nous systems, however, provide compelling evidence that the majority of co-wives in a polygynous family prefer pragmatic co-operation with one another while maintaining a respectful distance. Moreover, there often is a deep-seated feeling of angst that arises over competing for access to their mutual husband. Co-wife conflict in the early years of marriage is pervasive, and often marked hy outbursts of verbal or physical violence. Co-wife conflict may he mitigated hy social institutions, sucb as sororal polygyny and some form of "social security" or healtb care. Material wealth may he divided more or less equally, hut as a husband's sexual attention {a primary source for increased fertility) and affection cannot always be equitably distributed, there is ongoing and contentious rivalry among co-wives. (Co-wife conflict, jealousy, co-operation, pair bond)Cultural anthropologists generally assume that humans are highly adaptable to a wide range of life circumstances. Less accepted is the qualification that "cultural models can have significant psychic costs for individuals" (Shore 1996:49). The assumption of enormous adaptability has also been challenged by many anthropologists (see Brown 1990 for overview) concerned with the topics of reproduction and family intimacy. For example, some (Ekvall 1968;Levine and Silk 1997) find that the fraternal polyandrous marriage system is unstable largely due to sexual and emotional factors, rather than economic considerations. Research on co-wife relationships in polygynous families find them to be emotionally unsatisfactory forthe majority of participants (Al-Krenawi 1999;Al-Krenawi and Graham 1999;Chisholm and Burbank 1991;Hill and Hurtado 1996; Jankowiak 200 l;Meekers and Franklin 1995;Strassman 1997;Ware 1980), However, other researchers (Borgerhoff-Mulder 1992Kilbride 1994;Madhavan 2002;Mason 1982) report that under certain circumstances, women living in a polygynous family system enjoy material and emotional satisfaction.This article examines the effect of structural and psychological factors on co-wife confiict and co-operation. Specifically, it seeks to determine whether a pair-bond impulse is present in every culture, and if so, whether it undermines co-wife co-operation. Unlike previous studies of co-wife conflict and co-operation that focus only on one culture or a single geographical region, we have expanded the scope to include co-wife interactions in cultures from all over the world. We also identify the material, social, and emotional factors that can undermine or strengthen co-wife bonds. Examining how individuals respond to the polygynous family allows for a more thorough exploration of the polygynous family's divisiveness. To this end, we use the reasons for co-wife conflict as a means to identify anxieties within the polygynous family.
There are no cognitive studies of love conducted in an Asian culture. Our study is the first to probe the cognitive qualities that urban Chinese youth associate with what it means to be in love. To this end, we build on de Munck et al.'s pioneering studies in two European cultures (Russia, Lithuanian) and in the United States. Expanding on their study, we used a similar questionnaire that also includes additional questions designed to probe the youth of urban China's perception and understanding of romantic love as an emotional and psychological force. We found that Chinese youths' responses are similar to the Euro-American five core findings that all individuals, regardless of gender, experience when "in love." These core attributes are as follows: "I will do anything for the person I love" (or altruism), "I constantly think about the person I am in love with" (or intrusive thinking), "romantic love is the supreme happiness of life" (or self-actualization), my "love makes my partner stronger and a better person," (or emotional fulfillment), and "sexual attraction is necessary for love" (biology).
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