Objective: To estimate the extent of food insecurity in South Australia and its relationship with a variety of socio-economic variables.

This article argues that 'tradition' is not giving way to 'modernity' in the South Pacific. On the contrary, custom and tradition are enjoying something of a resurgence as actors in Melanesia and Polynesia rediscover the ways in which custom enables the development of resilient communities, strong social relationships and indigenous modes of dealing with conflict and restoring social harmony. Through the lens of 'political hybridity' (which argues that Weberian models of the state should not trump customary forms of governance and vice versa) this article argues that there are evolving hybrid institutions, blending the strengths of both traditional and modern cultures, that may be more appropriate to South Pacific cultures than conventional Westminster models. The argument is developed in relation to six Melanesian and Polynesian communities.

Food practices emerge from history and social structures, representing aspects of identity and social relations. This paper describes food practices in the early 21 st century in a Brisbane indigenous community. Ethnographic research carried out during 2003 and 2004 is drawn on to describe urban indigenous food practices two centuries after colonisation, with community voices providing rich descriptions of current practices. 1 The paper begins with a brief review of the colonial impact on indigenous Australians' food practices and then focuses on postcolonial and global influences. 2 Colonial impact on indigenous food practicesThe colonial impact on indigenous people's food practices was cataclysmic and its effects still reverberate today. This era began separating people from their traditional lands and waters, limiting access to traditional foods. Families were often separated and many children stolen -disrupting structures and patterns of food production and consumption. Family stories of this process are still told today. 3 Communities living in areas that were urbanised lost access to traditional foods even more rapidly than those living in more remote areas of the continent, where some still live on traditional lands and enjoy access to traditional foods. Food practices, however, have changed irreversibly.Traditional foods were gradually replaced by rations, often for work. The rations comprised foods including flour, sugar, tea, jam and meat. While the rations in different places and times varied, there is consensus that they were nutritionally inadequate. 4 Initially, indigenous people were expected to supplement rations with bush tucker. 5 With increasing population pressure, hunting and gathering became unsustainable in urban areas. As a result, skills diminished and new generations grew up distanced from traditional foods and the skills to catch, collect or prepare them. Many indigenous women worked as domestics, cooking in the colonial style. This also contributed to changing food styles and preferences. Traditional nutrient-dense foods were replaced by nutrient-poor equivalents such as dampers, scones and johnny cakes made from refined wheat flour instead of dampers made from nutritionally superior nuts and seeds. 6 A lasting legacy of the colonial period, however inadequate food supplies at that time were, is adaptation of preferences among indigenous Australians to the food that was available to them: plain food -meat, flour products, sugar and lard or

This article reports on ethnographic study of urban Aboriginal family food and implications for nutrition promotion. Data were collected over 2 years through in-depth interviews and participant observation in groups conducted through Indigenous organisations in a suburb of Brisbane. Issues when organising family food include affordability, keeping family members satisfied and being able to share food, a lack of cooking ideas, the accessibility of nutrition information, additional work involved in ensuring healthy eating, and a desire for convenience. Many different health professionals provide nutrition advice, often directing it towards individuals and not providing adequate guidance to facilitate implementation. The easiest advice to implement worked from existing household food practices, skills and budget. Cooking workshops helped to provide opportunities to experiment with recommended foods so that women could confidently introduce them at home. Aboriginal women are concerned about healthy eating for their families. Disadvantage can limit dietary change and the complexity of family food work is often underestimated in nutrition promotion. Household, rather than individual, framing of nutrition promotion can lead to more sustainable healthy eating changes.

Objective: In response to The New Nutrition Science Project's Giessen Declaration, we provide here a case for a more fully described and integrated 'social' dimension within the nutrition sciences. Design: This paper explores what we mean when we argue for socially engaged nutrition sciences (SENS), and describes the disciplinary fields, epistemologies and methodologies that contribute to SENS' potential rich diversity and value. Additionally, the current positioning of 'social nutrition' research within the nutrition sciences is critiqued. Results: There is fairly broad acceptance of the 'social' as an important contributor to successful public health nutrition situation analyses, intervention planning and implementation. However, we assert that the 'social' is not merely a contributor, the usual position, but is central. Implications for policy and practice that could follow from this shift in approach are outlined. Conclusions: We call for researchers, educators, policy makers and practitioners alike to re-imagine the role and purpose of social science enquiry that could enable the delivery of more socially engaged nutrition sciences.