The question whether urban green resources are equitably distributed across different 5 social groups is a major concern of social equity and environmental justice for both 6 governments and scholars. This topic is particularly relevant for rapidly developing 7 countries such as China where inequality is growing. This paper examines whether 8 and to what extent the distribution of urban park services is equitable for marginalised 9 population in China. We choose Shanghai as the case study and took into account 10 three dimensions of group delineation, namely demographic characteristics, social 11 economic status and social spatial structure. We employ the spatial clustering method 12 to assess the similarities and differences of the association between the spatial patterns 13 of accessibility to urban parks among different social groups. Interestingly, we found 14 that vulnerable groups are favoured over more affluent citizens. Local municipal 15 endeavours have ensured that the access to Shanghai's parks remains socially 16 equitable. Additionally, we attributed it to the path dependence of China's socialism 17 legacy before the market-oriented reforms. 18
There is an emerging literature on social interaction and neighbourhood attachment of various social groups in China. However, few have directly addressed the interaction between the locals and migrants at the neighbourhood level. This paper examines the variation of intergroup neighbouring in the city of Nanjing and how housing characteristics and hukou status may affect this process. Measured by intergroup communication and mutual support, this study reveals that migrants are more likely to interact with their urban neighbours, which suggests that migrants might not only interact with each other but also are willing to interact and help with local neighbours. Furthermore, compared with modern commodity housing neighbourhoods developed through the real estate market, older and physically more deprived neighbourhoods characterised by courtyard housing and provisional shelters have higher levels of this intergroup bridging social interaction. This implies that the government’s extensive redevelopment schemes of older neighbourhoods will likely impede on the social integration of migrants and reduce the habitat of intergroup social ties.
The social integration of migrants has become a major challenge for Chinese cities as many rural migrants still face discrimination from urban natives. Research suggests that intergroup social trust can improve cohesion and reduce stigmatisation. However, little is known about the trust level between migrants and locals and its underlying dynamics in urban China. Our study explores the trust between native Shanghai residents and rural migrants and how neighbourhood factors including residential diversity and neighbourhood poverty may play a role. We adopt a multilevel model to analyse the 1,420 questionnaire samples collected in 2013 from local and migrant residents in Shanghai. Our results show that people living in areas with more migrant residents also have higher intergroup social trust, which may indicate that exposure to more out-group neighbours can remove preconceived stigmas and foster tolerance. In contrast, there is less intergroup trust in poor neighbourhoods although migrant residents are exceptions. We speculate that migrants are less affected by local poverty because they are less spatially bound to the locality and are thus less likely to compete with native residents over local resources. Our results differ from findings in multi-ethnic societies where residential diversity causes distrust, but we believe this is a reasonable outcome considering that locals and migrants in urban China share more in common such as ethnicity, language, and national identity.
This study offers a detailed analysis of an under-researched social problem of in-situ marginalisation and its causes by drawing on the concept of state entrepreneurialism. Our empirical data stem from the Lingang mega project in Shanghai and one of its neighbourhoods named Neighbourhood No.57 where we find that the residents have not been relocated but are instead suffering from declining public services and environmental quality from surrounding industrial developments. The root cause of this problem is the municipal government's prioritisation of its strategic objectives of economic development over the livelihood of local residents. The strategic vision of the municipality has led to mass relocation in its early phases of development but in its later stages leaves many residents waiting for relocation whilst being gradually surrounded by industrial developments. Despite continued residential complaints and petitions, in-situ marginalisation is not resolved due to the institutional arrangement of Lingang, which has centralised planning and financing powers to newly created projectoriented state organisation. Social responsibilities have been relegated to lower-tiered governments in Lingang which have neither planning power nor the financial resources to resolve the problems of residents. By examining the case of Lingang, this paper provides a different analytical framework for explaining the social problems emerging from China's mega urban developments.Abstract: 本文运用 "国家企业家主义" (state entrepreneurialism) 的概念分析 "就地边 缘化" (in-situ marginalisation) 的社会问题。 案例来自于上海临港新城内的某社区。该社 区的居民没有因为重大项目而动迁，但面临公共设施不足，受到由周边工业开发所引起的 环境污染问题的影响。就地边缘化问题是由于市政府着重于经济发展战略。为达成战略目 标，开发项目的管理制度将经济发展和规划权利转移到侧重负责开发的管委会和国企开发 公司，而将社会管理下放给缺乏经济能力的镇政府。由于这样侧重于经济的战略开发和相 应的管理模式，这些与重大项目关系不大的社区居民就出现了就地边缘化。通过此案例， 本文提供了一个与西方理论不同的框架来诠释中国重大项目开发所导致的社会问题。
This study explores the current neighbourhood cohesion in Chinese cities and how it might be affected by the influx of migrants. Our multilevel analysis is based on a 1420 sized household survey conducted in Shanghai in 2013. The results reveal that the influx of migrants does not generate all negative results contrasting existing literature where migrants tend to reduce cohesion in the neighbourhoods. Neighbourhoods with a higher share of migrant residents between 20 and 50% have the strongest cohesion potentially because local residents have adjusted to their migrant neighbours. Neighbourhood cohesion is also stronger in migrant-dominated enclaves with more than 50% migrants as migrant residents may have formed their own in-group community. Comparatively, local-dominated neighbourhoods are still adjusting to the gradual influx of migrants and therefore residents tend to have lower levels of social solidarity, sense of belonging and informal social control. Nevertheless, the strongest deterrent of cohesion is the prospect of displacement and lack of resources since low-income areas and traditional courtyard neighbourhoods, which face demolition and redevelopment, have the weakest cohesion.
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