Precarious manhood beliefs portray manhood, relative to womanhood, as a social status that is hard to earn, easy to lose, and proven via public action. Here, we present cross-cultural data on a brief measure of precarious manhood beliefs (the Precarious Manhood Beliefs scale [PMB]) that covaries meaningfully with other cross-culturally validated gender ideologies and with country-level indices of gender equality and human development. Using data from university samples in 62 countries across 13 world regions ( N = 33,417), we demonstrate: (1) the psychometric isomorphism of the PMB (i.e., its comparability in meaning and statistical properties across the individual and country levels); (2) the PMB’s distinctness from, and associations with, ambivalent sexism and ambivalence toward men; and (3) associations of the PMB with nation-level gender equality and human development. Findings are discussed in terms of their statistical and theoretical implications for understanding widely-held beliefs about the precariousness of the male gender role.

The subject of this paper is the comparison of the results of the survey of public opinion before and after the change of the regime in Serbia as of 5th October 2000. Both researches (May 2000 and June 2001) were field researches, reaching for households, using random sample of the citizens of Serbia, without Kosovo. The obtained results show that the change of regime in Serbia was followed with the change in the sense of decreased expression of authoritarianism and ethnocentrism after one year of democratic rule. However, the question which still remains is - whether the registered change is the result of social-political circumstances, and whether it is the reflection of essential changes of value systems, or just different experience of social desirability of particular attitudes

The research presented in this paper is a part of the project "Condition, Factors and Development of European Identity in Serbia and Montenegro" which is financed by the Ministry for Science and Protection of Environment of the Republic of Serbia. The goal of this research is to determine the relation between the achievement motive and locus of control on the one hand, and European identity on the other. These motivational factors were selected as the indicators of the active orientation of persons, which is a psychological prerequisite for the development of consciousness of the people and the society as a whole. The research was carried out during 2003 with the sample of 2635 subjects from four regions of Serbia and Montenegro, of both sexes, different levels of education, 18 to 43 years old. The scale EUROID2002 was applied to measure the European and national identity. The achievement motive was measured with the MOP2002 scale, and locus of control with LOKKON2002. All these instruments were created at the Department of Psychology in Novi Sad. The canonical correlation analysis was used to process the data. The results point to the existence of two statistically significant regularities in the relation between the achievement motive and European identity. The achievement of the goal, which is experienced as a source of pleasure and followed by the need to compete with others, was related to two factors of social identity, namely with the need to preserve national identity and with the exclusive national attachment. Thus, the results indicate that the persons for whom competition with others is a significant goal also express a higher degree of nationalism. Furthermore, the results indicate that the degree of nationalism is higher with the higher degree of persistence in the competition with others. In the relation between the locus of control and European identity, three statistically significant regularities were obtained. If the faith in the power of destiny is more pronounced, the need to preserve national identity and exclusive national attachment is also more pronounced. Stronger internal locus of control is related to greater openness for technological progress. Furthermore, the results indicate that those who in achievement situations attach great importance to the activities of other people also have a more pronounced pro-European orientation

Social role theory posits that binary gender gaps in agency and communion should be larger in less egalitarian countries, reflecting these countries’ more pronounced sex-based power divisions. Conversely, evolutionary and self-construal theorists suggest that gender gaps in agency and communion should be larger in more egalitarian countries, reflecting the greater autonomy support and flexible self-construction processes present in these countries. Using data from 62 countries ( N = 28,640), we examine binary gender gaps in agentic and communal self-views as a function of country-level objective gender equality (the Global Gender Gap Index) and subjective distributions of social power (the Power Distance Index). Findings show that in more egalitarian countries, gender gaps in agency are smaller and gender gaps in communality are larger. These patterns are driven primarily by cross-country differences in men’s self-views and by the Power Distance Index (PDI) more robustly than the Global Gender Gap Index (GGGI). We consider possible causes and implications of these findings.

To define intergroup reconciliation is still a dynamic topic in social-psychological research, and lay people are seldom included in the study. Given that post-conflict processes in the context of Bosnia and Herzegovina are still marked by ethnic divisions, the main aim of our research has been to explore how Serbs and Bosniaks define reconciliation. We applied focus groups methodology to investigate this question. Eight mono-ethnic focus groups were conducted with Serbs and Bosniaks, in Sarajevo and Banja Luka. 56 people participated in total. The results showed that both groups defined reconciliation in terms of accepting the outgroup, achieving ordinary life and political reconciliation. However, groups differed in certain definitions. Bosniaks conceptualized reconciliation as facing the past, resolving past issues, economic sustainability, and future orientation. Parts of definition provided mostly by Serbs included cooperation, respect, understanding, and building relationships. Results were discussed in the light of available reconciliation literature, as well as collective narratives about 1990s war.