The effect of the socioeconomic characteristics in one generation on the socioeconomic achievement of the next generation is the central concern of social stratification research. Researchers typically address this issue by analyzing the associations between the characteristics of parents and offspring. This approach, however, focuses on observed parent-offspring pairs and ignores that changes in the socioeconomic characteristics of one generation may alter the numbers and types of intergenerational family relationships created in the next one. Models of intergenerational effects that include marriage and fertility as well as the intergenerational transmission of socioeconomic status yield a richer account of intergenerational effects at both the family and population levels. When applied to a large sample of Indonesian women and their families, these models show that the effects of women's educational attainment on the educational attainments of the next generation are positive. However, the beneficial effects of increases in women's schooling on the educational attainment of their children are partially offset at the population level by a reduction in the overall number of children that a more educated population of women bears and enhanced by the more favorable marriage partners of better educated women.The study of intergenerational social mobility is centrally concerned with estimating the effects of the positions, statuses, and resources of a family on persons born and raised in the family. By showing who gets ahead in a society and the benefits to children of improvements in their parents' socioeconomic positions, these effects cast light on the persistence of social hierarchies, the rigidity of stratification, and the mechanisms of social change. For example, in a developing society, it is important to know the possible effects of parents' educational attainment on the education and general well-being of their children. These effects shape patterns of educational opportunity within the society and show the benefits to children of efforts to improve the education and socioeconomic level of their parents. In this article, we argue that most studies of intergenerational mobility and the effects of parents on children offer an incomplete assessment of the intergenerational impact of socioeconomic characteristics. We propose alternative models that provide improved estimates of intergenerational effects. To elucidate these ideas and models, we focus on the effects of women's educational attainment on the education of the subsequent generation, although our argument applies to all aspects of family background that affect the life circumstances of the next generation. We show how to estimate the effects of changes in women's educational attainments in the maternal generation and how these effects work through marriage, fertility, and intergenerational transmission. This enables us to go beyond most other research, which relies on estimates of the effects of mothers' schooling that ignore the effects th...

Many studies from developed countries show a negative correlation between family size and children's schooling, while results from developing countries show this association ranging from positive to neutral to negative, depending on the context. The body of evidence suggests that this relationship changes as a society develops, but this theory has been difficult to assess because the existing evidence requires comparisons across countries with different social structures and at different levels of development. The world's fourth most populous nation in 2007, Indonesia has developed rapidly in recent decades. This context provides the opportunity to study these relationships within the same rapidly developing setting to see if and how these associations change. Results show that in urban areas, the association between family size and children's schooling was positive for older cohorts but negative for more recent cohorts. Models using instrumental variables to address the potential endogeneity of fertility confirm these results. In contrast, rural areas show no significant association between family size and children's schooling for any cohort. These findings show how the relationship between family size and children's schooling can differ within the same country and change over time as contextual factors evolve with socioeconomic development.

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Although socioeconomic status (SES) has been to shown to be associated with susceptibility to involuntary job loss as well as with health, the ways in which individual SES indicators may moderate the job loss-health association remain underexplored. Using data from the Americans’ Changing Lives study, we estimate the ways in which the association between job loss and depressive symptoms depends on five aspects of SES—education, income, occupational prestige, wealth, and homeownership. Our findings indicate that higher SES prior to job loss is not uniformly associated with fewer depressive symptoms. Higher education and lower prestige appear to buffer the health impacts of job loss, while financial indicators do not. These results have a number of implications for understanding the multidimensional role that social inequality plays in shaping the health effects of job loss.

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Using 30 years of longitudinal data from a nationally representative cohort of women, we study the association between breastfeeding duration and completed fertility, fertility expectations, and birth spacing. We find that women who breastfeed their first child for five months or longer are a distinct group. They have more children overall and higher odds of having three or more children rather than two, compared with women who breastfeed for shorter durations or not at all. Expected fertility is associated with initiating breastfeeding but not with how long mothers breastfeed. Thus, women who breastfeed longer do not differ significantly from other breastfeeding women in their early fertility expectations. Rather, across the life course, these women achieve and even exceed their earlier fertility expectations. Women who breastfeed for shorter durations (1-21 weeks) are more likely to fall short of their expected fertility than to achieve or exceed their expectations, and they are significantly less likely than women who breastfeed for longer durations (≥22 weeks) to exceed their expected fertility. In contrast, women who breastfeed longer are as likely to exceed as to achieve their earlier expectations, and the difference between their probability of falling short versus exceeding their fertility expectations is relatively small and at the boundary of statistical significance (p = .096). These differences in fertility are not explained by differences in personal and family resources, including family income or labor market attachment. Our findings suggest that breastfeeding duration may serve as a proxy for identifying a distinct approach to parenting. Women who breastfeed longer have reproductive patterns quite different than their socioeconomic position would predict. They both have more children and invest more time in those children.