The justification for studying faculty research productivity is that it affects individual advancement and reputation within academe, as well as departmental and institutional prestige (Creamer 1998, iii). Publication records are an important factor in faculty performance evaluations, research grant awards, and promotion and salary decisions. The phrase “publish or perish” encapsulates the importance of research productivity to academic careers. In addition, questions are sometimes raised about whether an individual's status as a minority within academia (e.g., being a member of an underrepresented ethnic or racial group or being female in a male-dominated profession) affects his or her ability to publish or likelihood of publishing (Cole and Zuckerman 1984; Bellas and Toutkoushian 1999). Finally, most previous work that tackles the productivity causality puzzle comes from disciplines other than political science. Thus, one of the purposes of this report is to explore whether the existing findings about research productivity in other disciplines apply equally well to research productivity in political science.

This article examines the dual problems of "women don't ask" and "women don't say no" in the academic profession. First, we consider whether female faculty bargain more or less frequently than male faculty about such resources as salary, research support, clerical support, moving expenses, and spousal accommodation. Analyzing a 2009 APSA survey, we find that women are more likely to ask for resources than men when considering most categories of bargaining issues. This finding goes against conventional wisdom in the literature on gender and bargaining that suggests that women are less likely to bargain than men. Second, we seek to understand if women are reluctant to say no when asked to provide service at the department, college, university, or disciplinary levels. We find that women are asked to provide more service and that they agree to serve more frequently than men. We also find that the service women provide is more typically "token" service, as women are less likely to be asked by their colleagues to serve as department chair, to chair committees, or to lead academic programs. The implications of these results for the leaky pipeline in the academic profession are discussed.I n this article, we examine the dual problems of "women don't ask" and "women don't say no" in academia.The first issue, "women don't ask," deals with the potential differences between men and women in bargaining situations. Surveying the literature on negotiations and the gender divide, Babcock and Laschever (2003) report that women bargain less frequently than men in a wide variety of situations from salary negotiations to the timing of promotion reviews in academic careers. Failure to negotiate an initial salary offer can have lifelong repercussions that may cost a job candidate several hundred thousand dollars over the course of a career. This gap is also difficult to close; even if women receive higher percentage annual raises, women's salaries lag behind men's salaries if they have a lower starting salary (Gerhart 1990). The lack of bargaining for promotion may contribute to the leaky pipeline in the academic profession, whereby women represent a smaller percentage of scholars within higher academic ranks, especially at the full professor level (Allen 1998;Bellas and Toutkoushian 1999;Hesli and Lee 2011).The second issue, "women don't say no," relates to whether female academics engage in professional service more often than their male peers. While some studies find few differences in the number of hours male and female faculty devote to service (Bellas and Toutkoushian 1999;Russell, Fairweather, and Hendrickson 1991;Singell, Lillydahl, and Singell 1996), others find that female faculty and faculty of color are more likely than their comparative counterparts to engage in service to their institution and their profession (Turk 1981;Turner and Myers 2002). Women may also be asked to provide less-prestigious service (Twale and Shannon 1996).1 Misra et al. (2011) find that women are more than twice as likely as men to be aske...

We report the results of hypotheses tests about the effects of several measures of research, teaching, and service on the likelihood of achieving the ranks of associate and full professor. In conducting these tests, we control for institutional and individual background characteristics. We focus our tests on the link between productivity and academic rank and explore whether this relationship reveals a gender dimension. The analyses are based on an APSA-sponsored survey of all faculty members in departments of political science (government, public affairs, and international relations) in the United States. P romotion decisions are among the most important choices that academic departments make. Generally, promotion from assistant to associate professor brings the decisive reward of tenure-an almost certain guarantee of continuing employment. Wise promotion decisions enhance a department's prestige, while failure to promote a capable scholar means losing talent to another university or possibly an end to a promising academic career (Long, Allison, and McGinnis 1993, 703). Higher rank yields better salaries and more influence within the department.An extensive literature exists on the subject of academic promotion. This literature is based on studies of several different disciplines, from medicine and economics to the social sciences and humanities. Our own analyses of the factors affecting promotion, presented in the second part of this article, are based solely on the discipline of political science. For these analyses, we rely on a 2009 APSA-sponsored survey of all faculty employed in political science departments (including departments of government and public affairs) throughout the United States. (Appendix A provides a description of the survey methodology.) We find that although age (or years of experience) is the best predictor of rank, productivity in terms of publications is a consistently reliable predictor of promotion, except when comparing female assistant to female associate professors. We provide evidence that women are less likely than men to move from assistant professor to associate professor rank. When a woman does achieve associate professor rank, she is as likely as her male colleagues to move on to the rank of full professor. LITERATURE REVIEWAccording to nearly 40-year-old interviews of chairpersons and heads of departments, the criteria used to judge individuals at promotion time are "teaching, research, and public service to the university" (Katz 1973, 470). Such criteria are now enshrined in faculty handbooks and operations manuals for all colleges and universities. Katz's survey also revealed that "research ability, publication record, and national reputation" were "the most important factors influencing salary and promotion decisions" (470). Doering (1972), however, explored the idea that seniority, years of experience, or simply age is the best predictor of promotion-as one generally cannot advance through the ranks without spending a certain amount of time in each rank (see ...

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Using survey data collected in Russia, Ukraine, and Lithuanian in 1990–92, we reexamine findings reported by Finifter and Mickiewicz (1992). Our analysis indicates a significant link between political and economic reform orientations. Individuals who prefer political reforms of a democratic nature also favor a decreased role of the state in guaranteeing social well-being. In addition, our finding that better-educated Soviet and post-Soviet citizens are more likely than the less-well-educated to prefer individual responsibility for well-being is in direct contradiction to the findings reported by Finifter and Mickiewicz. The differences in the two sets of conclusions give rise to very different substantive conclusions regarding the economic and political changes now occurring in these societies.