Family relationships across several generations are becoming increasingly important in American society. They are also increasingly diverse in structure and in functions. In reply to the widely debated ''family decline'' hypothesis, which assumes a nuclear family model of 2 biological parents and children, I suggest that family multigenerational relations will be more important in the 21st century for 3 reasons: (a) the demographic changes of population aging, resulting in ''longer years of shared lives'' between generations; (b) the increasing importance of grandparents and other kin in fulfilling family functions; (c) the strength and resilience of intergenerational solidarity over time. I also indicate that family multigenerational relations are increasingly diverse because of (a) changes in family structure, involving divorce and stepfamily relationships; (b) the increased longevity of kin; (c) the diversity of intergenerational relationship ''types.'' Drawing on the family research legacy of Ernest W. Burgess, I frame my arguments in terms of historical family transi-

This article describes development of a theory of solidarity among parents and children during the adult family life course. Four stages in the theory's development are reported here. Presented first is a taxonomy of six dimensions of intergenerational family cohesion-association, affection, consensus, resource sharing, the strength of familism norms, and the opportunity structure for interaction-reflecting conceptual contributions from classical social theory, social psychology, andfamily sociology. An initialformal theoretical specification of interrelationships among a subset of the six elements is reviewed, as well as two independent tests of that model. Second, a revision of the theory informed by results of the two empirical tests is presented. Third, elements of the revised theory are translated into a structural equation model, which is tested with data collected from 363 pairs of elderly parents and middle-aged adult children. These data provided support for seven of nine propositions derived from the reformulated theory. The major finding concerns interrelationships among normative integration, affection, and association. Greater endorsements of familial primacy norms by parents and children were associated with higher ratings of intergenerational affection. Greater affection was, in turn, related to more frequent association when opportunity for interaction was controlled. The fourth stage in theory development reported

The authors investigate the structure of intergenerational cohesion by examining social-psychological, structural, and transactional aspects of adult child-parent relations. The authors use latent class analysis to develop a typology based on three underlying dimensions of intergenerational solidarity: affinity, opportunity structure, and function. The same five types are found for relations with both mothers and fathers: tight-knit, sociable, intimate but distant, obligatory, and detached. Relationship types are also differentiated by sociodemographic characteristics; relations with fathers and divorced parents tended to have the weakest cohesion. The authors conclude that adult intergenerational relationships in American families are structurally diverse but generally possess the potential to serve their members' needs.

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Ambivalence is an apt term to describe the contradictions we experience in our intimate social relationships. We can feel it: the paradox between closeness and distance, the push and pull between intimacy and setting boundaries. Ambivalence is a phenomenological reality, a universal human experience, a reflection of the dilemmas we face in close relationships.That ambivalent feelings characterize family interactions will be no surprise to family therapists and psychotherapists because much of their practice involves helping people disentangle difficulties

The results offer some support for investment, insurance, and altruistic models of intergenerational exchange. Sharing time in activities provides a direct return to the parent that is characteristic of an investment strategy, whereas financial transfers provide a time-contingent return that is characteristic of an insurance mechanism. That affection triggers greater support to more functionally impaired mothers suggests that emotionally investing in children as a health insurance mechanism may be based on the greater moral equity accorded to mothers. The motivation of adult children to provide social support to their older parents is partially rooted in earlier family experiences and guided by an implicit social contract that ensures long-term reciprocity.

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