 We investigated the relationship between the national cultural value of power distance and collective silence as well as the role of voice-inducing mechanisms in breaking the organizational silence. Using data from 421 organizational units of a multinational company in 24 countries, we found that both formalized employee involvement and a participative climate encouraged employees to voice their opinions in countries with a small power distance culture. In large power distance cultures, formalized employee involvement is related to employee voices only under a strong perceived participative climate.Employees are regarded as major sources of change, creativity, learning, and innovation, which are factors critical to the success of organizations. However, many employees choose not to voice their opinions and concerns about matters in their organizations. Morrison and Milliken (2000) proposed that when most members of an organization choose to keep silent about organizational matters, silence becomes a collective behavior, which is referred to as organizational silence. Organizational silence can have detrimental effects on decision-making and processes of change by blocking alternative views, negative feedback, and accurate information (cf. Bies and Tripp, 1999;Zand, 1972). As many organizations are now operating in a large number of culturally diverse countries, understanding and managing organizational silence cross-nationally would be of interest to both international scholars and international managers.In his seminal work on cultural dimensions, Hofstede (1991) asserted that, compared to people from countries with a small power distance culture, those from countries with a large power distance culture tend to take hierarchical inequalities for granted and are less likely to voice their concerns to their superiors in order Management and Organization Review 1:3 459-482 1740-8776

Rather than a single behavior, handling conflict is a conglomeration of behavioral components characterized by a pattern of occurrence and by a pattern of covariation of its components. Theories (R. R. Blake & J. S. Mouton, 1964, 1970; R. E. Walton, 1969) have predicted (a) that the forcing component counters effectiveness and (b) that the problem-solving component enhances effectiveness, especially at a moderate level of occurrence of the forcing component. Systematic observations of videotapes of 116 male police sergeants handling a standardized conflict with either a subordinate or a superior supported the main effects but not the qualification. An increase in problem solving tended to enhance effectiveness, especially if a superior combined it with much forcing vis-à-vis a subordinate. An increase in controlling the process had an extremely positive effect on the parties' joint outcomes and mutual relationship.

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Handling social conflict is usually described in terms of 2 dimensions that either cause the behavior (concern for one's own and others' goals) or that result from it (integration and distribution). In contrast, agreeableness and activeness are common factors of modes and taxonomies of conflict behavior that do not confound independent and dependent variables. This article specifies the extent to which avoiding, accommodating, compromising, problem solving, indirect fighting, and 2 forms of direct fighting--issue fighting and outcome fighting--each positively or negatively relate to agreeableness and activeness. Systematic observations of videotaped simulations by 82 male police sargeants handling a standardized conflict with either a subordinate or a superior supported and refined this metataxonomy.

and two anonymous reviewers of JCCP, for providing helpful comments on earlier versions of this paper, and to Can Ouyang and Junyi Huang for producing the illustrative map of China in Figure 2. Collectivism across China 2 AbstractA still unsolved question is why humans create collectivism. New theory proposes that poorer populations coping with more demanding winters or summers become more collectivist.Preliminary support comes from a province-level analysis of survey data from 1662 native residents of 15 Chinese provinces. Collectivism is weakest in provinces with temperate climates irrespective of income (e.g., Guangdong), negligibly stronger in higher-income provinces with demanding climates (e.g., Hunan), and strongest in lower-income provinces with demanding climates (e.g., Heilongjiang). Multilevel analysis consolidates the results by demonstrating that collectivism at the provincial level fully mediates the interactive impact of climato-economic hardships on collectivist orientations at the individual level, suggesting that culture building is a collective top-down rather than bottom-up process.Keywords: collectivism, climatic demands, climato-economic, China, environmental livability Collectivism across China 3 Climato-Economic Imprints on Chinese CollectivismChinese are more collectivist than most other populations on earth. This cultural trait is traced back predominantly to Confucian heritage (Bond & Hwang, 2008;Li, 1986;Nisbett, 2003).But Confucianism falls short in explaining why some Chinese are more collectivist than others. In Japan (Kitayama, Ishii, Imada, Takemura, & Ramaswamy, 2006), and in the United States (Kitayama, Conway, Pietromonaco, Park, & Plaut, 2010; Varnum & Kitayama, 2010), voluntary settlement patterns in frontier regions have created areas where present-day inhabitants are still more independent and less collectivist. However, China hardly has a history of voluntary settlement. Granted, China does have vast rural areas where inhabitants tend to be more collectivist than in urban areas (Freeman, 1997), and some Chinese may be more collectivist than others because of a greater parasitic disease burden (Fincher & Thornhill, 2012;Schaller & Murray, 2011), but single-factor explanations are seldom useful for understanding complex phenomena such as variation in collectivism (Georgas, Van de Vijver, & Berry, 2004;Van de Vliert & Postmes, 2012). This paper is the first attempt to map and explain geographic differences in the strength of collectivist orientations within the oldest and largest continuous civilization on earth.Going beyond single-factor explanations, we modify climatic determinism (for reviews, see Feldman, 1975;Sommers & Moos, 1976), we amend economic determinism (e.g., Inglehart & Baker, 2000;Inglehart & Welzel, 2005), and we surpass the ecocultural viewpoint that climatic and economic determinants have mutually independent effects on human functioning (Berry, 2011;Georgas et al., 2004). Instead, we set out to examine interactive impacts of climatic and economic hardsh...

JOURNAL OF CROSS-CULTURAL PSYCHOLOGY Van de Vliert et al. / TEMPERATURE, MASCULINITY, AND VIOLENCECross-national data sets were used to examine the association between ambient temperature and internal political violence in 136 countries between 1948 and 1977. Political riots and armed attacks occur more frequently in warm countries than in both cold and hot countries, after controlling for effects of population size and density and levels of socioeconomic development and democracy. National differences on the cultural masculinity dimension, however, do account for this curvilinear temperature-violence association, in a subsample of 53 countries, suggesting that culture mediates the association. An explanation for this mediation in terms of Paternal Investment Theory is proposed. TEMPERATURE, CULTURAL MASCULINITY SERGE DAAN University of GroningenViolence against and by the government is a major problem for many nations but rarely if ever occurs in others. Taylor and Jodice (1983) reported numbers of deaths from domestic political violence in many countries between 1948 and 1977. They cited large numbers in countries that have been plagued by civil or secession wars: about 2 million in Nigeria, 1.6 million in Vietnam, 600,000 in Indonesia, 300,000 in Pakistan, and 80,000 in Burundi. In contrast, no victims were reported from 13 other countries, including Ice- We would like to thank Aukje Nauta and two anonymous JCCP reviewers for their helpful contributions. Direct correspondence to Evert Van de Vliert, Department of Social and Organizational Psychology, University of Groningen, Grote Kruisstraat 2/1, 9712 TS Groningen, The Netherlands; telefax: 31-503-636-304; e-mail: E. Van land, Mongolia, Upper Volta, and Australia. One can debate the accuracy of these figures, as well as the extent to which conflicts in states still in a process of formation are domestic. But there no doubt are enduring differences between countries in regard to massive violence.The literature provides no convincing explanation for the cross-national differences in the incidence of domestic political violence. This article focuses on ambient temperature as a potential determinant of politically instigated violence. In both laboratory experiments and field studies within nations, a general temperature-aggression link is well-documented (e.g., Anderson, 1987;Anderson & Anderson, 1996;Geen, 1990; Goldstein, 1994;Rotton, 1986), although there is an ongoing debate about whether the relation is rectilinear (Anderson, 1989;Anderson & DeNeve, 1992;Anderson, Deuser, & DeNeve, 1995) or curvilinear in the shape of an inverted U (Baron & Bell, 1976;Bell, 1992). However, because this literature primarily applies to affect-based, spontaneous aggression at the individual level (Anderson, 1989;Anderson & DeNeve, 1992), it does not provide potential explanations for mass violence that is primarily government-related, society-based, and planned.The evidence for a specific association between ambient temperature and organized political violence rests solely on...

This research addresses couples' reports of their (hypothetical) attempts to maintain or change a gendered division of labor through conflict interactions. Two experiments in which spouses responded to scenarios showed that spouses reported more conflict over the division of housework than conflict over paid work and child care, and that wives more often than husbands desired a change in their spouses' contribution. Spouses reported more wife-demand/husband-withdraw than husband-demandlwife-withdraw interaction during hypothetical conflict over the division of labor, but only when the wife desired a change in her spouse's contribution. Together, the data imply that wife-demand/husband-withdraw interaction is a likely response to the asymmetrically structured conflict situation in which the wife is discontent with her husband's contribution to housework, while her husband wants to maintain the status quo. We further showed that defenders of the status quo were more likely expected to reach their goal than complainants. In the role of complainant, wives were more likely expected to reach their goal than were their husbands, but only when the conflict issue concerned their own gender stereotypical domain (i.e., family work).

In this observation study the theory of conglomerated conflict behavior is tested. The impact of seven conflict behaviors on substantive and relational conflict outcomes is examined through multiple independent observations of 103 Dutch nurse managers handling a standardized conflict. Results show that process controlling is most important for achieving substantive outcomes, whereas problem solving, confronting, and forcing are most important for relational outcomes. In addition, substantive and relational outcomes are positively related. Implications for managerial practice and training are discussed.