No abstract

Persons with Autism spectrum disorders (ASD) display atypical perceptual processing in visual and auditory tasks. In vision, Bertone, Mottron, Jelenic, and Faubert (2005) found that enhanced and diminished visual processing is linked to the level of neural complexity required to process stimuli, as proposed in the neural complexity hypothesis. Based on these findings, Samson, Mottron, Jemel, Belin, and Ciocca (2006) proposed to extend the neural complexity hypothesis to the auditory modality. They hypothesized that persons with ASD should display enhanced performance for simple tones that are processed in primary auditory cortical regions, but diminished performance for complex tones that require additional processing in associative auditory regions, in comparison to typically developing individuals. To assess this hypothesis, we designed four auditory discrimination experiments targeting pitch, non-vocal and vocal timbre, and loudness. Stimuli consisted of spectro-temporally simple and complex tones. The participants were adolescents and young adults with autism, Asperger syndrome, and typical developmental histories, all with IQs in the normal range. Consistent with the neural complexity hypothesis and enhanced perceptual functioning model of ASD (Mottron, Dawson, Soulières, Hubert, & Burack, 2006), the participants with autism, but not with Asperger syndrome, displayed enhanced pitch discrimination for simple tones. However, no discrimination-thresholds differences were found between the participants with ASD and the typically developing persons across spectrally and temporally complex conditions. These findings indicate that enhanced pure-tone pitch discrimination may be a cognitive correlate of speech-delay among persons with ASD. However, auditory discrimination among this group does not appear to be directly contingent on the spectro-temporal complexity of the stimuli.

The present study explores the use of extrinsic context in perceptual normalization for the purpose of identifying lexical tones in Cantonese. In each of four experiments, listeners were presented with a target word embedded in a semantically neutral sentential context. The target word was produced with a mid level tone and it was never modified throughout the study, but on any given trial the fundamental frequency of part or all of the context sentence was raised or lowered to varying degrees. The effect of perceptual normalization of tone was quantified as the proportion of non-mid level responses given in F0-shifted contexts. Results showed that listeners' tonal judgments (i) were proportional to the degree of frequency shift, (ii) were not affected by non-pitch-related differences in talker, (iii) and were affected by the frequency of both the preceding and following context, although (iv) following context affected tonal decisions more strongly than did preceding context. These findings suggest that perceptual normalization of lexical tone may involve a "moving window" or "running average" type of mechanism, that selectively weights more recent pitch information over older information, but does not depend on the perception of a single voice.

The strong association between music and speech has been supported by recent research focusing on musicians' superior abilities in second language learning and neural encoding of foreign speech sounds. However, evidence for a double association—the influence of linguistic background on music pitch processing and disorders—remains elusive. Because languages differ in their usage of elements (e.g., pitch) that are also essential for music, a unique opportunity for examining such language-to-music associations comes from a cross-cultural (linguistic) comparison of congenital amusia, a neurogenetic disorder affecting the music (pitch and rhythm) processing of about 5% of the Western population. In the present study, two populations (Hong Kong and Canada) were compared. One spoke a tone language in which differences in voice pitch correspond to differences in word meaning (in Hong Kong Cantonese, /si/ means ‘teacher’ and ‘to try’ when spoken in a high and mid pitch pattern, respectively). Using the On-line Identification Test of Congenital Amusia, we found Cantonese speakers as a group tend to show enhanced pitch perception ability compared to speakers of Canadian French and English (non-tone languages). This enhanced ability occurs in the absence of differences in rhythmic perception and persists even after relevant factors such as musical background and age were controlled. Following a common definition of amusia (5% of the population), we found Hong Kong pitch amusics also show enhanced pitch abilities relative to their Canadian counterparts. These findings not only provide critical evidence for a double association of music and speech, but also argue for the reconceptualization of communicative disorders within a cultural framework. Along with recent studies documenting cultural differences in visual perception, our auditory evidence challenges the common assumption of universality of basic mental processes and speaks to the domain generality of culture-to-perception influences.

No abstract

Identification and discrimination of lexical tones in Cantonese were compared in the context of a traditional categoricalperception paradigm. Three lexical tone continua were used: one ranging from low level to high level, one from high rising to high level, and one from low falling to high rising. Identification data showed steep slopes at category boundaries, suggesting that lexical tones are perceived categorically. In contrast, discrimination curves generally showed much weaker evidence for categorical perception. Subsequent investigation showed that the presence of a tonal context played a strong role in the identification of target tones and less of a role in discrimination. The results are consistent with the hypothesis that tonal category boundaries are determined by a combination of regions of natural auditory sensitivity and the influence of linguistic experience.

Three experiments investigated how the onset asynchrony and ear of presentation of a single mistuned frequency component influence its contribution to the pitch of an otherwise harmonic complex tone. Subjects matched the pitch of the target complex by adjusting the pitch of a second similar but strictly periodic complex tone. When the mistuned component (the 4th harmonic of a 155 Hz fundamental) started 160 ms or more before the remaining harmonics but stopped simultaneously with them, it made a reduced contribution to the pitch of the complex. It made no contribution if it started more than 300 ms before. Pitch shifts and their reduction with onset time were larger for short (90 ms) sounds than for long (410 ms). Pitch shifts were slightly larger when the mistuned component was presented to the same ear as the remaining 11 in-tune harmonics than to the opposite ear. Adding a "captor" complex tone with a fundamental of 200 Hz and a missing 3rd harmonic to the contralateral ear did not augment the effect of onset time, even though the captor was synchronous with the mistuned harmonic, the mistuned component was equal in frequency to the missing 3rd harmonic of the captor complex tone and it was played to the same ear as the captor. The results show that a difference in onset time can prevent a resolved frequency component from contributing to the pitch of a complex tone even though it is present throughout that complex tone.

This study investigated whether cochlear implant users can identify Cantonese lexical tones, which differ primarily in their F0 pattern. Seventeen early-deafened deaf children (age= 4 years, 6 months to 8 years, 11 months; postoperative period= 11-41 months) took part in the study. Sixteen children were fitted with the Nucleus 24 cochlear implant system; one child was fitted with a Nucleus 22 implant. Participants completed a 2AFC picture identification task in which they identified one of the six contrastive Cantonese tones produced on the monosyllabic target word /ji/. Each target stimulus represented a concrete object and was presented within a carrier phrase in sentence-medial position. Group performance was significantly above chance for three contrasts. However, the cochlear implant listeners performed much worse than a 6 1/2-year-old, moderately hearing impaired control listener who was tested on the same task. These findings suggest that this group of cochlear implant users had great difficulty in extracting the pitch information needed to accurately identify Cantonese lexical tones.