The authors examined whether the provision of child care helps older adults maintain better cognitive functioning. Descriptive evidence from the Survey of Health, Ageing and Retirement in Europe (n = 5,610 women and n = 4,760 men, ages 50–80) shows that intensively engaged grandparents have lower cognitive scores than the others. The authors show that this result is attributable to background characteristics and not to child care per se. Using an instrumental variable approach, they found that providing child care has a positive effect on 1 of the 4 cognitive tests considered: verbal fluency. For the other cognitive tests, no statistically significant effect was found. Given the same level of engagement, they found very similar results for grandmothers and grandfathers. These findings point to the inclusion of grandparenting among other cognitively stimulating social activities and the need to consider such benefits when discussing the implications of this important type of nonmonetary intergenerational transfer.
Across Europe grandparents play very different roles. This paper studies to what extent grandparents' role as providers of child care relates to the country policy context, focusing on public child-care services and parental leave regulation, and to the availability of part-time jobs for women. We also explore whether mothers' needs to combine family and work differently influence the frequency of grandparental child care across countries. The analysis combines micro-data from the Survey of Health, Ageing and Retirement in Europe and macro-indicators from the Multilinks database and Eurostat. We find a clear association between policy context and frequency of grandparental child care. Three models emerge. In countries close to the familialism by default model (i.e. characterised by scarce public child-care services and parental leave), when grandparents provide child care they often do it daily. In countries characterised by defamilialisation and supported familialism policies (with generous public services and parental leave) grandparents take on a marginal role. An intermediate model emerges in countries characterised by a limited offer of child care or parental leave, where grandparental child care complements state support and tends to be offered on a weekly basis. Our analysis corroborates the idea that the highly intensive involvement of grandparents in countries with low availability of part-time jobs for women is influenced by the need (unmet by the welfare) of mothers to combine work and family.
We study whether grandparenthood is associated with older people's subjective well-being (SWB), considering the association with life satisfaction of having grandchildren per se, their number, and of the provision of grandchild care. Older people's education may not only be an important confounder to control for, but also a moderator in the relation between grandparenthood-related variables and SWB. We investigate these issues by adopting a crosscountry comparative perspective and using data from the Survey of Health, Ageing and Retirement in Europe covering 20 countries. Our results show that grandparenthood has a stronger positive association with SWB in countries where intensive grandparental childcare is not common and less socially expected. Yet, this result is driven by a negative association between grandparenthood without grandparental childcare and SWB that we only found in countries where intensive grandparental childcare is widespread. Therefore, in accordance with the structural ambivalence theory, we argue that in countries where it is socially expected for grandparents to have a role as providers of childcare, not taking on such a role may negatively influence SWB. However, our results show that grandparental childcare (either intensive or not) is generally associated with higher SWB. Overall, we do not find support for a moderating effect of education. We also do not find striking differences by gender in the association between grandparenthood and SWB. The only noteworthy discrepancy refers to grandmothers being often more satisfied when they provide grandchild care.
Background and Objectives With the goal of slowing down the spread of the Sars-CoV-2 virus, restrictions to physical contacts have been taken in many countries. We examine to what extent intergenerational and other types of non-physical contacts have reduced the risk of increased perceived depressive feelings during the lockdown for people aged 50+. Research Design and Methods We implemented an on-line panel survey based on quota sampling in France, Italy, and Spain in April 2020, about one month after the start of the lockdown. Our analyses are based on logistic regression models and use post-stratification weights. Results About 50% of individuals aged 50+ felt sad or depressed more often than usual during the lockdown in the three considered countries. Older people who increased or maintained unchanged non-physical contacts with non-coresident individuals during the lockdown were at a lower risk of increased perceived depressive feelings compared to those who experienced a reduction in non-physical contacts. The beneficial effect of non-physical contacts was stronger for intergenerational relationships. The effects were similar by gender and stronger among individuals aged 70+, living in Spain and not living alone before the start of the lockdown. Discussion and Implications In the next phases of the COVID-19 pandemic, or during future similar pandemic, policy makers may implement measures that balance the need to reduce the spread of the virus with the necessity of allowing for limited physical contacts. Social contacts at a distance may be encouraged as a means to keep social closeness, while being physically distant.
This work extends the recent research on contact and geographical distance between older parents and their adult children. After a review of previous studies on this topic and an overview of the geography of the family in Italy and Sweden, multivariate analysis is used to answer the research questions ‘which variables account for the levels of kin contact and spatial proximity in Italy and Sweden?’ and ‘which ones explain the differences between the two countries?’ Population ageing and socio‐demographic changes in Italy raise the question of whether the differences between the ‘Mediterranean patriarchal model’ and the ‘Northern European model’ persist, or whether there is convergence towards patterns in vanguard countries such as Sweden. Of particular interest is the role played by education because of the increasing proportions of highly educated people. Logistic regression models on SHARE data always show higher levels of intergenerational proximity and contact in Italy than in Sweden. However, most of the socio‐demographic variables have similar impacts on them in the two countries. Interaction models and Seemingly Unrelated Estimation analyses lead to the conclusion that proximity has a different role in the two societies considered, affecting the frequency of contact as well. The results suggest that the available micro‐level indicators cannot fully explain the North–South divide in family behaviours, showing that cultural patterns are rather strong. Still, this work suggests a focus more on European similarities, rather than differences, in terms of intergenerational relationships and family behaviours. Copyright © 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
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