Even though intra-European youth mobility is valued as a boost for personal and professional development, few opt for it. While obstacles preventing young people to become mobile have been discussed broadly, less attention has been paid to the obstacles for the youth who are already on the move. We offer this rare perspective in regard to intra-European mobility. We focus on youth in four types: pupil mobility, vocational (education and training) mobility, higher education student (degree and credit) mobility and employment mobility, in six countries: Germany, Hungary, Luxembourg, Norway, Romania and Spain. Our analysis, based on qualitative (140 interviews) and quantitative (N=1.682) data, reveals that the perceived obstacles vary between the mobility types, with the greatest divergence between the educational and work-related mobilities. Obstacles such as lack of financial resources and guidance, the perceived incompatibility of institutional regulations within Europe, are shared by all mobile youth.
The challenges of peer relations under mobility 1 TUBA ARDIC, IRINA PAVLOVA OG JAN SKROBANEK Høgskulen på Vestlandet SAMANDRAG Denne artikkelen tar for seg ungdomsgruppa som flyttar på seg i samanheng med elevutveksling på vidaregåande skule. Fokuset er retta mot jamaldergruppa og spesielt effekten av å vere saman med jamaldra frå same heimland under utanlandsopphaldet. Jamaldra frå same heimland har ei mangesidig rolle under mobilitet. Dei kan fungere som eit ankerpunkt som skapar tryggleik i vertslandet, men kan også danne ei nasjonal «kulturfelle» som held ungdommen borte frå den nye kulturen og nye relasjonar.
Return is discussed mostly in the context of migration, not in regard to mobility. When it comes to return of the EU citizens, it is not seen as much of a return but retro-mobility. However, there are also great differences between member-states regarding return patterns. These patterns are influenced by socialization, work cultures, and concepts such as safety, family and the self. These differences, which do not seem very crucial at first, can result in return, rather than permanent migration. In order to understand the dynamics of return, I focus hereby in two women’s lives where I conducted two interviews with each: one during mobility and another before their return to their home countries, namely to Iceland and Spain. I argue, in this paper, that the motivations for return are complex and cannot be easily categorized as one specific factor. Rather, they are a combination of multiple factors which vary during diverse periods of mobility. These factors can be examined in the context of macro, meso and micro which are the themes that emerged from the interviews as safety, cultural familiarity and inner-self. The inner-self makes the last decision to return whilst ideas on safety and cultural familiarity are facilitating factors for return. Hence, every return is a biographical story and one has to consider the biographies of each migrant and/or mobile person before they examine the reasons to understand return in its full complexity.
There has been a plethora of scholarly work which examines the motivational and lingering factors of youth mobilities but there has not been a sufficient number of scholarly articles that explain specifically why Norway is a destination for youth, with a few exceptions. This paper focuses on young people who move to Norway for employment reasons. Six interviews were chosen via a purposeful sampling from a sample of 15 interviewees, who moved to Norway. The interviews were transcribed and were analysed via thematic analysis. As a result of the thematic analysis, it is observed that imagined embedding(s), a theorisation to explain the motivations to choose a destination place, can be applied to these cases. I contribute to the literature by applying imagined embedding(s) to the motivations for moving abroad, in this case to Norway for young people in mobility. Since most of the work examines the embedding(s) during mobility, my focus will be on the period before mobility and the initial period of mobility. This research proves that the economic reasons for movement are almost always coupled with other more intrinsic and non-economic motives and imagination(s) of a place.
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