The new definition sets an ideal, but not unrealistic, standard for social integration in the context of psychiatric disability. High standards encourage mental health professionals and policy makers to rethink what is possible for mental health services and to raise expectations for connectedness and citizenship among persons once disabled by mental illness.

Research on adherence to combination antiretroviral therapy has up to now focused largely upon problems of definition and measurement, and on the identification of barriers and supports. This paper examines the intersection between taking HAART and building a life with HIV/AIDS. Data consist of 214 qualitative interviews with 52 HIV-positive, active illegal drug users. A interpretive analysis drawing upon stigma and fear of disclosure as analytical constructs was applied to explain working tensions between efforts to develop social relationships on the one hand, and attempts to safeguard health through adherence on the other. The analysis specifies a mechanism through which stigma as a social process results in marginalization and exclusion. The hierarchical organization of multiple stigma is also noted. Loneliness and the desire for relatedness is intensified by drug use. Results suggest that persons with HIV/AIDS will not consistently subordinate other interests to prioritize adherence. Interventions aimed at supporting long-term adherence must address experienced conflicts between 'health' and 'life'.

Quantitative and illness-centered formulations may miss much of what low-income service users with serious mental illness value in their relationships with practitioners. The opportunity to counter feelings of vulnerability and alienation with a sense of connection that is based on shared humanness may be a high priority for services for this group. Practitioner relationships that help service users feel cared about and connected to the social world address suffering in mental illness and are thus essential to the meaning of good care.

The mechanisms identified in this study facilitate operationalization of the concept of continuity of care by specifying its meaning through empirically derived indicators. Ethnography promises to be a valuable methodological tool in constructing valid and reliable measures for use in mental health services research.

The new definition sets an ideal, but not unrealistic, standard for social integration in the context of psychiatric disability. High standards encourage mental health professionals and policy makers to rethink what is possible for mental health services and to raise expectations for connectedness and citizenship among persons once disabled by mental illness.

Background Adolescent refugees face many challenges but also have the potential to become resilient. The purpose of this study was to identify and characterize the protective agents, resources, and mechanisms that promote their psychosocial well-being. Methods Participants included a purposively sampled group of 73 Burundian and Liberian refugee adolescents and their families who had recently resettled in Boston and Chicago. The adolescents, families, and their service providers participated in a two-year longitudinal study using ethnographic methods and grounded theory analysis with Atlas/ti software. A grounded theory model was developed which describes those persons or entities who act to protect adolescents (Protective Agents), their capacities for doing so (Protective Resources), and how they do it (Protective Mechanisms). Protective agents are the individuals, groups, organizations, and systems that can contribute either directly or indirectly to promoting adolescent refugees’ psychosocial well-being. Protective resources are the family and community capacities that can promote psychosocial well-being in adolescent refugees. Protective mechanisms are the processes fostering adolescent refugees’ competencies and behaviors that can promote their psychosocial well-being. Results Eight family and community capacities were identified that appeared to promote psychosocial well-being in the adolescent refugees. These included 1) finances for necessities; 2) English proficiency; 3) social support networks; 4) engaged parenting; 5) family cohesion; 6) cultural adherence and guidance; 7) educational support; and 8) faith and religious involvement. Nine protective mechanisms identified were identified and grouped into three categories: 1) Relational (supporting, connecting, belonging); 2) Informational (informing, preparing), and; 3) Developmental (defending, promoting, adapting). Conclusions To further promote the psychosocial well-being of adolescent refugees, targeted prevention focused policies and programs are needed to enhance the identified protective agents, resources, and mechanisms. Because resilience works through protective mechanisms, greater attention should be paid to understanding how to enhance them through new programs and practices, especially informational and developmental protective mechanisms.

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Capacities for social integration can be effectively developed as part of the everyday routines of mental health care. Eventually, the process shifts from development to the exercise of capacities and to participation as full citizens in the social world beyond treatment.