Many regions that are endowed with scarce natural resources such as arable land and water, and which are remote from a central government, suffer from violence and ethnic strife. A number of studies have looked at the convergence of economic, political and ecological marginality in several African countries. However, there is limited empirical study on the role of violence in pastoral livelihoods across ecological and geographical locations. Yet, case studies focusing on livelihood and poverty issues could inform us about violent behaviour as collective action or as individual decisions, and to what extent such decisions are informed or explained by specific climatic conditions. Several case studies point out that violence is indeed an enacted behaviour, rooted in culture and an accepted form of interaction. This article critically discusses the relevance of geographical and climatic parameters in explaining the connection between poverty and violent conflicts in Kenya’s pastoral areas. These issues are considered vis-à-vis the role institutional arrangements play in preventing violent conflict over natural resources from occurring or getting out of hand. The article uses long-term historical data, archival information and a number of fieldwork sources. The results indicate that the context of violence does not deny its agency in explanation of conflicts, but the institutional set-up may ultimately explain the occurrence of the resource curse.

Migration—environment linkages are at the centre of media attention because of public concern about climate change and a perceived “flooding” of migrants from less developed countries into more affluent parts of the world. In the past few years, a substantial body of conceptual literature about environmentally induced migration has evolved, but there is still a paucity of empirical work in this area. Moreover, the environmental causes of migration have been studied largely in isolation of the environmental consequences. In this paper we present an analysis of migration and vegetation dynamics for one country (Ghana) to assess four migration—environment linkages. On the one hand, we look at two environmental drivers of migration: environmental push and pull. On the other hand, we look at the environmental impact of migration on source and destination areas. Census data at the district level (N=110) are used to map domestic migration flows in Ghana, which are then related to vegetation dynamics retrieved from a remotely sensed Normalized Difference Vegetation Index (NDVI) dataset (1981— 2006). The analysis shows that at the national level, there are significant but weak correlations between migration and vegetation cover and trends therein. Districts with a migration deficit (more out-migration than in-migration) tend to be more sparsely vegetated and have experienced a more positive NDVI trend over the past quarter century than districts with a migration surplus. A disaggregation of data in three principle migration systems shows stronger correlations. Namely that north—south migration and cocoa frontier settlement have important environmental dimensions, but environmental factors do not seem to play a major role in migration to the capital, Accra. An important insight from this paper is that migration flows in Ghana can be explained partly by vegetation dynamics but are also strongly related to rural population densities. This is because access to natural resources is often more important than the scarcity or abundance of natural resources per se. This study further shows that satellite remote sensing can provide valuable input to analyses of migration—environment linkages.

Value chains of Cameroonian non-timber forest products move through harvesters, processors and traders, to consumers locally and worldwide. This paper characterises six governance arrangements governing eight such chains: statutory and customary regulations, voluntary market-based systems, international conventions, project-based systems and corruption. Governance is messy with overlapping, multiple layers of institutions and actors. There are voids where no institutions govern access to resources and markets; some actors fulfil roles normally the reserve of the state. In some chains the state performs its duties, in others not, and other institutions fill the gaps. To negotiate this complexity, many actors have become adept 'bricoleurs'. They make the best of the arrangements in which they find themselves, and creatively use capitals available, building on natural capital to construct new governance arrangements and/or remould existing ones to meet their current objectives, circumstances and livelihoods. This 'fine mess' makes examining the impacts on the livelihoods of participants and their sustainability challenging. A measure of governance intensity and extensive fieldwork was thus used to research this. Results indicate strong trade-offs between natural, social and economic capital, creating winners and losers. Trade-offs between livelihoods and sustainability are most acute either when there are no governance arrangements; when arrangements do not take account of the susceptibility of a species to harvesting; or when they do not balance supply and demand. Policy challenges and opportunities include recognising and dealing with pluralism; reconciling conflicting rules; hearing the voices of silent stakeholders; learning from failures and raising chain visibility by recognising natural and socio-economic values.

Northern Ghana is a sub-humid area, combining areas with high population densities and high reported levels of land degradation with scarcely populated areas, which have low levels of land degradation. It consists of three administrative Regions: Upper East Region (densely populated, around Bolgatanga and Bawku in particular), Upper West Region (pockets of dense populationaround Wa, Nandom and Lawra-amidst low population densities), and Northern Region (mainly low population densities, with the exception of the area of the major town of Ghana's northern area: Tamale. The ICCD research was concentrated in the Bolgatanga area, but later extended to include the Nandom area in Upper West (as the start of a proposal to develop a Climate Change Preparedness Programme in Northern Ghana, financed by the University of Amsterdam). In the absence of useful longitudinal data at the village or household levels, it was decided to organise two expert meetings (workshops), in collaboration with the University of Development Studies at Tamale, the University of Ghana at Legon and a local NGO, CECIK. Most of the research activities for ICCD took place in the so-called Bolgatanga cell, an area between 10° and 11° North and 0° and 1° West. It covers the eastern part of Upper East Region and the northeastern part of Northern Region. Around 1960 the cell had an average population density of less than 50 inhabitants per square kilometre (although by that time, parts of the northern area already had densities far beyond that). On average, though, the density still could be regarded as 'low' compared to other drylands in the tropics. Currently, the Bolgatanga cell has between 0.7 and 0.8 million inhabitants, which means an average population density of between 60 and 70 inhabitants per square kilometre; high in relative terms. The part of the cell, which is located in the Upper East Region, has a very high population density with an average of 200 persons per square kilometre. 12.1 CROPS AND LAND USE DYNAMICS IN NORTHERN GHANA Crops that are relevant in the northern parts of Ghana include maize, sorghum, millets, rice, groundnuts and cotton. Most of the crop (harvest area) data recorded by the FAO for these crops for Ghana as a whole can be attributed to the northern areas. Maize has almost always been the most important grain crop of Ghana, in terms of hectarage (although more important in the centre-north areas and not in the upper-north areas). The maize area increased from between 200,000 and 300,000 ha in the 1960s to a level between 600,000 and 700,000 ha in the late 1990s. The year 1984 was an absolute peak year, with 720,000 ha. The years 1965 and 1978 were the lowest with less than 200,000 ha.