Following Stalin’s interpretations of the Lenin’s thesis on the merging of the nations, the Yugoslav communists first needed to “push” all nations to the same level of development. After the Tito-Stalin split in 1948, the soft Yugoslav nation-building project was accelerated. During the 1950s, national Yugoslavism was stimulated in a latent way through language, culture, censuses, and changes in the constitutional and socialist system. By the end of the 1950s, the Yugoslav socialist national idea reached its peak with the 1958 Party Congress. Nevertheless, with the economic crisis in the early 1960s, and the famous Ćosić-Pirjevec debate on Yugoslavism, the Yugoslav national idea declined. This was evident on the level of the personal, national identifications of the Party members, but also in the ideological shift of the Party’s chief ideologue Edvard Kardelj. Yet, the concept of Yugoslavism was redefined in the second half of the 1960s without ethnic or national connotations. Two Yugoslavisms were created: a socialist one propagated by the Party and a national one that lived among the population in small proportions. Although the Yugoslavs were never recognized as a nation, that did not stop them from publicly advocating for their national rights.
Category: 1.01 Original scientific paper
Language: Original in Slovene (Abstract in Slovene and English, Summary in English)
Key Words: Anton Korošec, The State of SCS, Geneva agreement, Nikola Pašić, National Council.
Abstract: At the end of October 1918, the delegates of the National Council from Zagreb went to Geneva to inform themselves about the current international position. Because of political pressure from the Entente the South Slav politicians reached the so-called Geneva agreement in November 1918. Based on it, an equal number of members from the Kingdom of Serbia and the State of SCS, which would work on common affairs, would form a joint ministry. Nikola Pašić, the Serbian PM, agreed on the postponement of the Monarchy. In his false report, Pašić misinformed his government, that the members of the ministry would take an oath to the Serbian king and to the National Council. Consequently, the vice-president of the Serbian government resigned, as well as Pašić. When Belgrade found out about the difficult international position of Zagreb, the Serbian court carried out the unification behind the scenes, bypassing Korošec and other politicians that were abroad. They leaned on Svetozar Pribičević, the vice-president of the National Council, who carried out the wishes of the Serbian royal court with joy.
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