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Weber’s bureaucracy has persisted in the public administration literature as a lens through which to analyze organizational structures. The “ideal type,” however, was never meant to be ideal; despite this, it has become a default framework for structuring and studying organizations, as if they should be structured as such. At the same time, research on bureaucracy often explores its negative impacts, such as the value of merit that has become so enmeshed in law and policies, it can neglect to account for performance and diverse abilities, and rules that have evolved into red tape and constrain bureaucratic behavior. These raise questions about the dehumanizing effects of bureaucracy, something Weber himself cautioned. Using a human rights-based approach, we seek to understand Weber’s bureaucracy through the lens of human rights, and offer suggestions for how to structure organizations that are fair, equitable, and oriented around the human condition. We argue that a human- and human rights-centered approach to bureaucracy requires rethinking the way in which we assess bureaucratic outcomes by prioritizing fundamental human rights values, such as nondiscrimination, participation, freedom, access, and inclusion over neoliberal preferences, which in turn impact employee and client well-being and the structure of the organization itself.

Dealing effectively and efficiently with minorities and minority problems in the aftermath of ethnic conflict is central to durable and stable peace. The inclusion of minority rights in peace agreements is seen as a mandatory step in the resolution of the conflict and political stability. While references to human rights and minority rights are common, it is the implementation process that often lacks clarity and thoroughness. On the basis of three case studies, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Macedonia, and Kosovo, this study examines how human rights and minority rights provisions are put into practice and how they impact the peace process. Findings suggest that the inclusion of minority rights is only beneficial in cases in which relevant institutions and adequate political and civil society support were established to implement the provisions. Formal reference to ethnic problems or minority rights is not sufficient.

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Background. This article reflects on the use of a simulation of peace talks between Israeli and Palestinians in an upper-level undergraduate course at a liberal arts university in the United States. The university was commissioned to test an externally developed proposal and implementation plan for peace negotiations between Israeli and Palestinians (the “IMPLEMENTATION PLAN”). Aim. (1) To contribute to student’s academic learning and understanding of the conflict; (2) to find strengths and weaknesses of the model. Method. Analysis of data collected using a convergent parallel mixed method approach involving surveys, exit interviews, and guided reflection papers. Results. Student Learning Outcomes. The data supports a deeper understanding of the nature of the conflict as well as the complexity of peace negotiations. Students reported a higher level of engagement with the subject matter as a result of the simulation. The model encouraged innovative thinking and new solutions, which might be of interest in real life application. Challenges to student learning were mainly related to (1) student identification with their roles and (2) a need to compromise and finding quick answers. Model. The simulation demonstrated the strengths of the IMPLEMENTATION PLAN, namely to the focused, structured negotiation process with narrowly defined “tracks.” Challenges include the structure of the simulation, the question of applicability of the model to a real life situation, as well as the long-term implementation strategy of negotiation outcomes. Conclusion. The simulation of the IMPLEMENTATION PLAN greatly benefited student learning and led to thought-provoking outcomes concerning negotiations. However, the findings suggest the need for flexibility and modification of the model.

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