Previous studies have identified but failed to explain satisfactorily the positive relationship between income inequality and homicide rates. This paper proposes an explanation based on the concept of relative deprivation, but also reviews the criminological literature in a search for other theoretically relevant variables. After assessing problems of sampling and measurement, and using a considerably larger sample than used in previous studies, multiple regression analyses reveal positive net effects of both inequality and population growth (reflecting a higher proportion of young people) on homicide rates. Further analyses show that the effects of inequality on homicide are more pronounced in more democratic nations, a finding supporting the relative deprivation explanation. Income inequality also has stronger effects in more densely populated countries, in wealthier nations, and in countries with larger internal security forces.
This research examines the role familial, school, labor market, and street factors play in the criminality of 200 homeless male street youths. Of particular interest is the way these youths interpret their labor market experiences and how together these experiences and interpretations influence criminal behavior. Findings reveal that familial and school factors have minimal influence on current criminal behavior. Instead, criminal behavior is influenced by such immediate factors as homelessness, drug and alcohol use, and criminal peers who engage in illegal activities. Further, criminal behavior is influenced by a lack of income, job experiences, and perceptions of a blocked opportunity structure. While labor market conditions and reactions to those conditions have some effect on crime, the findings also suggest that lengthy unemployment, job experiences, and a lack of income work in tandem with anger and external attributions to increase street youths' criminal activities.Advanced capitalist societies are undergoing structural transformations in their economies and labor markets that produce growth in nonstandard employment (including part-time, part-year, and temporary work) and an increasingly segmented labor market with many poor-paying jobs in a lower tier service sector (Hartnagel
This research examines the roles of various subcultural, economic, and victimization factors in the violent behavior of 200 homeless male street youths. Findings reveal that factors associated with the street subculture, including long-term homelessness and criminal peers, increase the respondent's risk for violence on the street and provide rules concerning honor, protection, and retribution. However, the heavy use of drugs and alcohol on the street plays only a minor role in explaining violent behavior in this population, and the violence associated with these substances appears to be recreational. Findings also suggest that minimal economic resources and perceptions of a blocked opportunity structure also leave the youths at risk for various violent activities. Results also indicate that victimization on the street and a history of physical abuse in the home are related to the respondents' violent behavior. Results are discussed in terms of different types of violent behavior.
Various polls and surveys seem to indicate that a substantial proportion of the Canadian public desires harsher penalties for crime. While various explanations have been offered for this punitiveness, emotional reactions to crime have been under-researched. The present research draws on a Canadian data set to test the hypothesis that the emotions of fear and particularly anger about crime are significant predictors of punitive attitudes once crime victimization, economic insecurity, internal attributions of crime causation and other variables are controlled for. This research also examines the possible indirect effects of economic insecurity, victimization and internal attributions of crime causation on punitiveness through their impact on fear and anger. The multiple regression results support the role of emotions, particularly anger, in explaining punitive attitudes. While indirect effects of victimization and economic insecurity were insignificant, 14 per cent of the effect of internal attributions was through anger.
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