BackgroundSeasonal malaria chemoprevention (SMC) using sulfadoxine–pyrimethamine plus amodiaquine has been introduced in 12 African countries. Additional strategies for safety monitoring are needed to supplement national systems of spontaneous reporting that are known to under represent the incidence of adverse reactions.ObjectivesThis study aimed to determine if adverse event (AE) reporting could be improved using a smartphone application provided to village health workers, or by active follow-up using a symptom card provided to caregivers.MethodsTwo strategies to improve reporting of AEs during SMC campaigns were evaluated, in comparison with the national system of spontaneous reporting, in 11 health post areas in Senegal. In each health post, an average of approximately 4000 children under 10 years of age received SMC treatment each month for 3 months during the 2015 malaria transmission season—a total of 134,000 treatments. In three health posts (serving approximately 14,000 children), caregivers were encouraged to report any adverse reactions to the nurse at the health post or to a community health worker (CHW) in their village, who had been trained to use a smartphone application to report the event (enhanced spontaneous reporting). In two health posts (approximately 10,000 children), active follow-up of children at home was organized after each SMC campaign to ask about AEs that caregivers had been asked to record on a symptom card (active surveillance). Six health posts (approximately 23,000 children) followed the national system of spontaneous reporting using the national reporting (yellow) form. Each AE report was assessed by a panel to determine likely association with SMC drugs.ResultsThe incidence of reported AEs was 2.4, 30.6, and 21.6 per 1000 children treated per month, using the national system, enhanced spontaneous reporting, and active surveillance, respectively. The most commonly reported symptoms were vomiting, fever, and abdominal pain. The incidence of vomiting, known to be caused by amodiaquine, was similar using both innovative methods (10/1000 in the first month, decreasing to 2.5/1000 in the third month). Despite increased surveillance, no serious adverse drug reactions were detected.ConclusionTraining CHWs in each village and health facility staff to report AEs using a mobile phone application led to much higher reporting rates than through the national system. This approach is feasible and acceptable, and could be further improved by strengthening laboratory investigation and the collection of control data immediately prior to SMC campaigns.Electronic supplementary materialThe online version of this article (10.1007/s40290-018-0232-z) contains supplementary material, which is available to authorized users.

Birth spacing has emerged since the early 1980s as a key concept to improve maternal and child health, triggering interest in birth spacing practices in low-income countries, and drawing attention to prevailing norms in favour of long birth intervals in West Africa. In Senegal, the Wolof concept of Nef, which means having children too closely spaced in time, is morally condemned and connotes a resulting series of negative implications for family well-being. While Nef and "birth spacing" intersect in key ways, including acknowledging the health benefits of longer birth intervals, they are not translations of each other, for each is embedded in distinct broader cultural and political assumptions about social relations. Most notably, proponents of the demographic concept of birth spacing assume that the practice of using contraception after childbearing to postpone births could contribute to "empowering" women socially. In Senegal, by contrast, preventing Nef (or short birth intervals) is also viewed as strengthening family well-being by allowing women to care more fully for their family. This paper draws on policy documents and interviews to explore women's and men's understanding of Nef, and in turn critically reflect on the demographic concept of birth spacing. Our findings reinforce the relevance of the concept of birth spacing to engage with women and men around family planning services in Senegal. Accounts of the Nef taboo in Senegal also show that social norms stigmatising short birth intervals can legitimise constraints faced by women on control of their body.

The demonstration of differences between biomedical concepts of nutrition and the knowledge frameworks of northern Senegalese women with regard to IYC feeding highlights the value of knowledge about emic perspectives of local communities to help guide decisions about interventions to improve nutrition.

Caregivers make decisions about how to feed their infants and young children based on complex interactions of knowledge, beliefs, and values, as well as assessments of situational determinants, including economic and social constraints and opportunities. Because of the relationship of these factors to the adoption of new feeding behaviours, the development of nutrition interventions for this age group must be grounded in knowledge about the target population. This paper presents the results of a study that used cognitive mapping techniques to gain insight into mothers' knowledge and perceptions of foods for infants and young children and examine their significance for feeding decisions in Saint-Louis, northern Senegal. Guided by mixed-methods protocols from the Focused Ethnographic Study for Infant and Young Child Feeding Manual, in-depth interviews that included qualitative discussions and cognitive mapping techniques were conducted with 46 mothers in rural and peri-urban communities. We explored mothers' perceptions about five dimensions that affect food decision-making-healthiness, convenience, child acceptance, appeal, and modernity-and the relationship of these dimensions to 38 local food items. Data analysis entailed a combination of qualitative thematic analysis and descriptive statistics. In both communities, "healthiness" was the most valued dimension for food decision-making by a large margin, followed by child acceptance, appeal, modernity, and convenience. We explore how different interpretations and definitions of these dimensions, and their relationship to specific local food items, may influence the design and planning of nutrition interventions. The results support the importance of mixed-methods formative research to illuminate the emic perspectives of caregivers.

Résumé L’objectif de cet article est de saisir la manière dont se construit et se transforme le savoir médical à la lumière d’un exemple précis : le paludisme au Sénégal. Cette recherche d’anthropologie historique se base sur l’étude des savoirs tels qu’ils se déclinent dans les thèses de médecine. Celles-ci, en effet, sont un des lieux de production du savoir médical et constituent donc une base privilégiée pour comprendre comment le savoir s’établit et évolue. Ce matériau est mis en parallèle avec les documents / directives de l’OMS. Deux niveaux d’analyse sont développés : les politiques de prévention et les méthodes de prises en charge.