We analyze the perceptions of White and racial minority teachers concerning antiracist education in the Toronto Board of Education. The findings highlight five topics on which White and racial minority teachers have different perspectives: views of antiracist education; support for employment equity; racial minority teachers as role models; the role of principals in antiracist education; and the treatment of racial minority teachers. Racial minority teachers face greater barriers than White teachers in the education system, barriers that hamper the full recognition and importance of racial diversity in education. White teachers are generally less supportive than their racial minority colleagues of antiracist education that attempts to shape the institutional culture of schools.

Gambling has come to be legitimated in many western countries since the reintroduction of lotteries as methods of revenue generation for the state in the 1960s and 1970s. Since then, state-sanctioned gambling opportunities have expanded to include casino games, sports betting, video lottery terminals, scratch and win games and others as governments seek to increase revenues. The article analyses the state’s role in the legitimation, expansion and marketing of gambling activities, and discusses the major cultural and ideological implications of this development. It argues that this legitimation must be seen in the context of broader social and economic forces related to the deregulation of markets. The legitimation of gambling illustrates the shift in social and economic morality away from the ‘rational’ basis of capitalism in Protestant ethics, and towards the deregulation of economic attitudes. While this shift suggests a further rationalizing of economic activity and attitudes, the analysis of the broader cultural implications illustrates the tension between the rational and irrational forces in late capitalism. The article focuses on developments in western countries, but state-sanctioned gambling is expanding in non-western countries as well.

A common finding of past research is that people who stutter are stereotyped as being more guarded, nervous, self-conscious, tense, sensitive, hesitant, introverted, and insecure than nonstutterers. Using an innovative survey method, two questions studied were (1) whether individuals who have on-going contact with the same stutterer share the negative stereotype identified by past research, and (2) whether there are differences in perceptions of speech fluency between stutterers and their listeners. Responses of 114 friends and colleagues of stutterers found those who had on-going contact with at least one stutterer have less stereotypical attitudes than the general population, and significant differences in perceptions about normalcy of speech were noted for people who stutter and those with whom they interact.

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A common finding of past research is that people who stutter are stereotyped as being more guarded, nervous, self-conscious, tense, sensitive, hesitant, introverted, and insecure than nonstutterers. Using an innovative survey method, two questions studied were (1) whether individuals who have on-going contact with the same stutterer share the negative stereotype identified by past research, and (2) whether there are differences in perceptions of speech fluency between stutterers and their listeners. Responses of 114 friends and colleagues of stutterers found those who had on-going contact with at least one stutterer have less stereotypical attitudes than the general population, and significant differences in perceptions about normalcy of speech were noted for people who stutter and those with whom they interact.

From 1985 to 2000, in an unprecedented development in Canadian politics, three different parties governed the province of Ontario, each for a five-year period. Each party sought to reform the province’s welfare program in keeping with its ideological position. The authors demonstrate the manner in which welfare policies interacted with prevailing economic and labour market conditions to create dramatic fluctuations in the number of welfare recipients. The analysis shows that governing parties generally sought to match policies to economic conditions, but were often unable to do so because of their ideological stance or because of policies inherited from the previous government. The authors’ findings also reveal that it was in fact the New Democratic Party, after 1992, that initiated a restrictive policy of welfare benefits and eligibility, a policy direction continued by the Progressive Conservative Party once it assumed power in 1995.

Le nombre de ménages faisant partie de la population active mais qui bénéficient du bien-être social est resté constant en Ontario de 1985 à 1989, mais il a presque quintuplé au début des années 90. En utilisant les variables du marché du travail (emploi et population) et des variables de bien-être social, nous montrons que la capacité d'emploi de l'économie a augmenté durant la période 1985-89, mais qu'elle a diminué au début des années 90. Notre analyse suggère que les politiques gouvernementales ont soutenu un grand nombre de cas dans les années 80, alors que durant les années 90 les politiques gouvernementales ont limité le nombre de cas de bien-être social. En dépit de ceci, la capacité d'emploi du marché du travail est resté faible pendant cette dernière période. Nous concluons que durant la dernière décennie, les politiques de bien-être social en Ontario n'ont pas tenu compte des conditions du marché du travail.The number of employable households on welfare remained steady in the province of Ontario from 1985-89 and then increased nearly five-fold in the early 1990s. Using labour market variables (employment levels and population) and welfare variables we show that the employment capacity of the economy expanded in 1985-89, contracting sharply during the recession of the early 1990s. Our analysis suggests that government policies sustained high caseloads in the 1980s, while in the 1990s government policies limited the number of welfare cases, notwithstanding that the employment capacity of the labour market remained low. We