This two-part study extended the research on multiple stereotypes of elderly adults by examining the perceptions of young, middle-aged, and elderly adults. First, one set of participants engaged in a trait generation task which yielded a trait list for use in the second part of the study. Second, other participants sorted the set of traits into groups representing different types of elderly individuals. Trait groupings were analyzed with hierarchical cluster analysis. Results supported the hypothesis that older adults have more complex representations of aging than do middle-aged and young ones, and that middle-aged adults have more complex representations than do young ones. For example, middle-aged and elderly adults reported more stereotypes of the elderly than did young adults, and elderly adults reported more stereotypes than did middle-aged adults. Results also showed, as expected, that these differences in complexity exist against a background of general agreement about the nature of aging: Trait lists produced by those in the three age groups were significantly correlated, and the stereotype sets of the three age groups included seven shared stereotypes. Results are interpreted in terms of their support for two alternative explanations of the complexity differences: ingroup/outgroup and developmental.

The authors examined the consequences of perceived age discrimination for well-being and group identification. The rejection-identification model suggests that perceived discrimination harms psychological well-being in low status groups but that group identification partially alleviates this effect. The authors hypothesized that this process model would be confirmed among older adults because their low status group membership is permanent but not confirmed among young adults whose low status is temporary. Using structural equation modeling, the authors found support for the hypothesized direct negative link between perceived age discrimination and well-being among older adults, with increased age group identification partially attenuating this effect. For young adults, these relationships were absent. Differences in responses to discrimination appear to be based on opportunities for leaving a low status group.

Two studies investigated the use of the Implicit Association Test (IAT; A. G. Greenwald, D. E. McGhee, & J. L. K. Schwartz, 1998) to study age differences in implicit social cognitions. Study I collected IAT (implicit) and explicit (self-report) measures of age attitudes, age identity, and self-esteem from young, young-old, and old-old participants. Study 2 collected IAT and explicit measures of attitudes toward flowers versus insects from young and old participants. Results show that the IAT provided theoretically meaningful insights into age differences in social cognitions that the explicit measures did not, supporting the value of the IAT in aging research. Results also illustrate that age-related slowing must be considered in analysis and interpretation of IAT measures.

Forty young, 40 middle-aged, and 40 older adults rated their beliefi about the vocal style that they would use in addressing two older targets-onefitting a negative (Despondent) and one a positive (Golden Aged stereotype. Participants also gave oral messages to the two targets in either a hospital or community context. Supporting a stereotype-sensitive model of the communication and aging process, participants' beli#s and messages revealed a greater tendency to use patronizing talk with the Despondent target than with the Golden Ager. In addition, the extent and type of patronizing talk (overly nurturing or directive) to the targets was afected by the context in which the target was presentedand the age of the communicator. In particular, the number ofdirective/patronizing messages to Golden Ager targets increased sign+cantly in the hospital context. Finally, older participants were less likely to give patronizing messages to all targets than were youngw participants.erceptions of declining abilities with advancing age have been documented in beliefs about memory skills (Heckhausen,

This 2-part study used photograph-age and photograph-stereotype sorting tasks to examine the role of target facial cues in stereotyping of older persons. As predicted, young, middle-aged, and older participants associated photographs of those who looked older and those with a neutral facial expression with fewer positive stereotypes than other photographs. Participants also selected fewer positive stereotypes for photographs of women than of men, except when the photographs showed old-old (80 years and over) men. Participant age affected stereotyping only of the photographs of old-old persons, with older participants selecting fewer positive stereotypes for those photographs than middle-aged and young participants. These results establish the importance of facial cues in the age stereotyping process and suggest age boundaries for positive stereotypes of men and women.

Four experiments assessed the blame assigned to the two persons involved in a rape or an auto accident. After reading a description of one of the events, participants were asked to generate different types of counterfactuals in 2 of the studies, and in the other 2 they viewed a videotape of an attorney who suggested to them a specific counterfactual. In the rape context, when changes to the victim's behavior produced a new outcome, blame to the victim was highest and rapist blame was lowest. Counterfactuals where changes in the victim's behaviors did not undo the event resulted in the highest assailant blame and the least victim blame. When the event was an auto accident, blame increased for whichever driver's actions were mentally undone. How attorneys can increase or decrease the blame assigned to their clients depending on the type of counterfactual that they present is discussed.

middle-aged (N = 57), and older adults (N = 47) were presented with an editorial that argued in favor of their age group's economic interests (e.g., their privilege was fair; their disadvantage was unfair) or against their age group's economic interests (e.g., their privilege was unfair; their disadvantage was fair). Participants completed measures of perceived age discrimination, attributions for outcomes, and support for age-based spending. Unfavorable intergenerational comparisons elicited higher perceived age discrimination in middle-aged adults, and more support among all age groups for funding to middle-aged adults compared to favorable comparisons. Young and older adults reported more age discrimination than middle-aged adults regardless of comparison type. Age group status consequences for responses to the intergenerational conflict debate are discussed.

In this study, 125 adults in three age groups (young, middle-aged, and elderly) rated the typicality and approximate age of individuals representing 11 stereotypes of the elderly. Participants indicated their attitudes toward the individuals on a set of bipolar adjective scales. Attitude results conformed to the pattern predicted. Attitudes toward individual stereotypes varied according to the valence of each stereotype rather than participant age. Likewise, age judgments varied with the valence of the stereotype. Participants of all ages chose the older age ranges for the more negative stereotypes and younger age ranges for the positive stereotypes. Finally, elderly participants gave lower typicality ratings to the stereotypes than those in the other two age groups, although those in all age groups ordered the stereotypes similarly in terms of their typicality. Results are discussed in terms of their relationship to the cognitive representations of aging held by those in the three age groups.