No abstract

The purpose of this article is to analyse young people’s cultural practices and style seeking by utilizing certain notions of a theory promoted in the 1970s at CCCS (the Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies in Birmingham), and especially the notions of ‘new studies’ on social class that refer to Pierre Bourdieu’s concepts. The article takes as its focus the lifestyles of young people in certain localities in Finland. Although the qualitative data from 39 interviews were collected in the Finnish cities of Helsinki and Kajaani, the main focus in this article is on different localities in Helsinki (33 interviews). It is suggested that young people’s styles vary within locations and the formation of (life)styles takes place partly within groups, which are connected to the local culture (area, school) as well as to social class (family, school). I argue that no one can, will or is able to manifest any kind of style wherever they wish. One’s (life)style is attached to locality, class, gender and ethnicity.

This article is based on a study of social and spatial transitions of about 20-year-old young people in four different sites in Finland. The data consist of 61 interviews, and in this article four case studies are presented. I analyse young people’s social class and family background, as well as the cultural and social capitals (Bourdieu, 1986), which I assume to be mediated through gender and locality (Skeggs, 1998). Also I will inspect Coleman’s argument (1988) that social capital and cultural (i.e. human) capital are strongly connected with each other. The data agree with many previous studies and indicate that working-class young people tend to choose similar types of occupation as their parents, many are likely to stay in the local community in future, and social capital is very important while achieving cultural capital and education. However, there are great differences in the ways working-class youth make use of their cultural and social capitals, so we must analyse carefully the emotional, social, local and material conditions of young women and men in order to understand their gendered life histories and educational choices.

The aim of this integrative review is to describe a child's participation in the decision-making process related to treatment. The goal is to increase knowledge of the ways that healthcare professionals can use to support a child's decision-making ability. The data were gathered from the Medline and Cinahl databases and the data consisted of 23 articles which were published in scientific journals during 2002-2013. The articles were analyzed with an inductive content analysis. The results of the review show that a child's knowledge skills, wishes and values were often not taken into account and their participation was limited. Children were taken into account to varying degrees, depending on the time available and the individual healthcare professional. The personnel often made the treatment decisions on behalf of the families. This was greatly influenced by the attitudes of the personnel and parents and the ability of the healthcare personnel to work with child patients. The professional language used in discussions was shown to be an obstacle to flexible cooperation.

No abstract

In this methodological article we discuss ways in which researchers observe girls and boys in the classroom. The article is based on a comparative cross-cultural, collective ethnographic study, ‘Citizenship, Difference and Marginality in Schools: With Special Reference to Gender’, which was conducted in secondary schools in Helsinki and London. When we analysed our own actions, we realized that educational researchers – like teachers – tend to concentrate on events taking place in the classroom, particularly visible and audible action. They are less likely to direct their gaze on stillness and silence. In most of the classes that we followed, boys used more voice, time, space and movement than girls, although there were also differences among girls and among boys. In the early stages of our study, noisy and physically active boys drew our attention. But in our practice as the research continued, and in this article, we turn our gaze onto non-events, and ask reflexive researchers to problematize their categories of active and passive. Drawing from our own observations, we discuss how activity, passivity and agency are conceptualized and gendered in educational research.

An experiment was carried out using bait cards to assess the contribution of different polyphagous predators in a wheat field to degree of predation. Activity abundancy of predators was measured by pitfall trapping. In June the most abundant carabids were Bembidion guttula, B. properans and Clivina fossor, later Pterostichus melanarius and Trechus discus. Staphylinids and spiders were most abundant in July. The total number of predators increased towards the end of the season. Predatory pressure was assessed using Drosophila melanogaster pupae as bait on small bait cards placed on the soil twice a week from 4/6–6/8. At the beginning of the experiment, predation was lower than later. Degree of predation varied between plots within every two‐week period. According to the model obtained, Amara sp. contributed to predation 9/7–7/8. Bembidion guttula contributed to predation in every period, B. properans 4–14/6. Clivina fossor contributed to predation from the middle of June to the beginning of August, as did Trechus discus. Staphylinids contributed to predation 18–27/6 and 23/7–7/8 and spiders 18/6–19/7. Patrobus atrorufus and Synuchus nivalis contributed to predation 23/7–7/8, although not many were caught in the traps.

No abstract