Canadian homicide clearance rates are higher than for any other type of crime, but clearance rates have been decreasing since the late 1960s and they are not uniform across the country. This article examines homicide clearance in Canada using data derived from the Canadian Homicide Survey to determine whether the evident temporal and geographical variations in clearance are explained by either victim characteristics or offense details. There are two competing theories regarding homicide clearance characteristics. On one hand, it is argued that the police use discretion when determining which cases deserving more attention. The alternate theory is that police apportion the same effort to all homicide cases, regardless of the victim's status owing to the heinous nature of the crime; therefore, only case details impede the process of determining culpability. Using logistic regression analysis, this examination first focuses on the influence of time and geography on clearance probabilities and then compares the effect of victim characteristics and offense characteristics on clearance outcomes. Empirically nested models indicate that victim characteristics are not a robust predictor of clearance; offense characteristics are found to be more influential. However, both temporal and geographical factors remain important predictors of homicide clearance. The impacts of increasing gang-and drug-related homicides are discussed, as are implications for future research.
L'exemple de l'engagement des femmes dans le mouvement contre l'extraction de l'uranium en Nouvelle‐Écosse au milieu des années quatre‐vingt fait exception dans les études récentes sur l'appui des femmes dans l'activisme environnemental. Le taux de participation des femmes était éléve dans ce mouvement, comparativement à la collaboration apportée a d'autres formes d'action politique. Les hypothèses couramment invoquées pour expliquer cet engagement ‐ disponibilité structurelle et préoccupations des femmes à l'égard des dangers immédiats et locaux qui menacent la santé et le bien être des enfants—ne s'appliquent pas vraiment ici. Les femmes de Nouvelle‐Écosse ont ete plûtot recrutées grâce au réseau que constituent les associations féminines a l'échelle de la province (groupes environnementaux, pacifistes et feministes en particulier). The pattern of women's involvement in the anti‐uranium mining movement in Nova Scotia in the early 1980s is an exception to what has been reported in the recent literature on women's involvement in environmental activism. The rate of women's participation was high in this, relative to other forms of political action. But hypotheses commonly used to explain this involvement—“structural availability” and gendered concerns for immediate and local threats to the health and well‐being of children—do not fit the case well. Nova Scotia women were more likely to be drawn in through network links to province‐wide women's organizations (in particular, environmental, peace and feminist organizations).
Although religious institutions are an important agent of non-state policing, especially in the Global South, there is a limited understanding of the relationship between religion and policing. The Pacific presents an ideal context in which to examine the relationship between religious and policing institutions in Christian majority postcolonial societies. Moreover, state and religious institutions in the Pacific Island States are currently being subjected to powerful processes, including economic liberalization, globalization, and localization/indigenization, producing both opportunities but also contestations and conflicts. Using interviews with police officers, religious leaders, and community leaders, this article examines how police officers negotiate the tensions between (secular) state law, indigenous structures of authority, and religious authorities in Tuvalu.
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