The Eastern Mediterranean in recent years has become an arena of growing activity of regional states causing tensions among them. The importance of this region from political and military point of view combined with its strategic value in the world energy markets underpins the growing involvement of the UAE, a non-regional actor that lately has become deeply engaged in the regional agenda. Due to the fact that the UAE has taken up a quite active foreign policy course outside of its traditional Gulf circle only recently - with the Eastern Mediterranean becoming a new area of Emirati activities - the volume and scope of Russian and foreign research on this topic is rather limited. The existing works that in some way cover issues of the UAE foreign policy do not reflect the increasing influence of this small Gulf state in the Middle East and North Africa and beyond. For this reason, there is a need for complex research on the matter. This paper is based on analysis of existing works on topics related to some aspects of Emirati foreign policy and tensions in the Eastern Mediterranean, as well as analytical articles and statistics. The dramatically increased interest of the UAE in the Eastern Mediterranean is part of significant transformations in the monarchys foreign policy that have been taking place since early 2010s. These transformations manifest themselves in new goals and purposes of Emirati foreign policy, its expanding scale and new instruments for its implementation. Not only is the UAE policy in the Eastern Mediterranean consistent with its general goal of containing Turkey and fighting the threat of Islamism, but it is also a part of realizing Emirati global ambitions of becoming a leader in energy and logistics and ensuring its international status as an influential actor.
Московский государственный институт международных отношений (университет) МИД РоссииПроблематика деятельности глобальных СМИ и возможностей их влияния на политические процессы нередко становится объектом научных исследований. СМИ принято рассматривать как один из инструментов реализации внешней политики государства. Акторный подход позволяет рассматривать глобальные СМИ как относительно самостоятельных игроков, взаимодействующих с други-ми -государственными и негосударственными -акторами мировой политики, а также способными оказывать влияние на мировые политические процессы. Од-нако представляется, что ни тот, ни другой подход не позволяют в полной мере ответить на вопрос о том, в чём заключается особенность деятельности всего раз-нообразия современных СМИ -в ходе их взаимодействия между собой, с другими негосударственными акторами, а также государствами -и в чём заключается по-тенциал влияния СМИ с учётом этой их «особой природы». В ответе на этот вопрос состоит цель написания данной статьи. Автор анализирует основные теоретические подходы к изучению деятельности и потенциала влияния СМИ на мировую политику, выявляет особенности функ-ционирования современного глобального информационного пространства, рас-сматривает основные аспекты взаимодействия СМИ с государствами и негосудар-ственными акторами и выявляет принципиальные способы влияния глобальных СМИ на мировую политику. В основе теоретико-методологической базы лежит конструктивистская парадиг-ма. Автор делает вывод о двойственной природе современных СМИ, которые вы-ступают одновременно в качестве средств конструирования государствами и раз-личными негосударственными акторами реальности мировой политики, а также в качестве акторов этой реальности. Глобальные СМИ являются главными акторами глобального информационного пространства, активно участвуя в его формиро-вании и развитии его динамики, и при этом действуют под большим влиянием развивающихся в нём процессов. Кроме того, отмечается, что современные усло-вия развития информационных технологий позволяют говорить о становлении глобального информационного пространства как единого «организма», который функционирует в соответствии со своей собственной внутренней логикой. В осно-ве его функционирования лежит взаимодействие и взаимовлияние совокупности разнообразных разноуровневых и разноформатных СМИ, транслирующих и об-
Since their formation, the parties of political Islam that exist today in Algeria, Morocco and Tunisia were traditionally seen as the “voice of people” in authoritarian states, the means and the vanguard of social movement for a better life. In an attempt to enter political arena, while adapting to different challenges posed by their regimes as well as jihadi Islamism both domestically and regionally, these Islamist parties have undergone a number of transformations both in their ideology and relations with the regime. However, the crucial point of these transformations was becoming a part of the state that they had been aiming to change. After their short-lived electoral success, they find themselves in crisis. First, they are no longer perceived as a sociopolitical force that strives to voice concerns of the oppressed and to fight for their interests against the unjust regimes. Instead, they are now deeply associated with the “old guard”, no less corrupt than the governments and the political elites, against whom people protest. Second, while they were trying to adapt democratic ideas to their narratives, they were moving further away from their Islamist identity. Third, they have learnt the constraints of their political capabilities: in order to preserve their legal status, they have to coopt with the regimes, but when they do they lose their public support, and when they resent this cooptation, the regimes force them to weakness and internal divisions, yet again causing loss of social base.
The Palestinian issue remains one of the most persistent and intractable contemporary conflicts. While it retains its special importance for regional players, new conflicts and challenges, along with the changing regional balance of power, have gradually pushed the Palestinian issue into the background on the common Arab agenda. Under these circumstances, the problem has been undergoing transformation, with controversial implications. On the one hand, the struggle of Palestinians for their political rights and for improving their socio-economic conditions comes to the forefront of the Palestinian internal political agenda. There are emerging trends of horizontal social mobilization while the legitimacy of the Palestinian leadership is declining. On the other hand, the absence of positive developments contributes to the increased potential for radicalization and enhances probability of new military clashes.
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