Objectives With the spread of COVID-19, the Netherlands implemented a policy to keep citizens physically distanced. We hypothesize that consequent reduction in the frequency of social contacts, personal losses and the experience of general threats in society reduced well-being. Methods Data were collected from 1,679 Dutch community-dwelling participants aged 65 to 102 years old comprising a longitudinal online panel. Social and emotional loneliness and mental health were measured in May 2020, i.e., two months after the implementation of the measures, and earlier in October and November 2019. Results In this pandemic, not only loneliness of older people increased, but mental health remained roughly stable. The policy measures for physical distancing did not cause much social isolation but personal losses, worries about the pandemic, and a decline in trust in societal institutions were associated with increased mental health problems and especially emotional loneliness. Discussion The consequences of long-term social isolation and well-being must be closely monitored.

Loneliness concerns the subjective evaluation of the situation individuals are involved in, characterized either by a number of relationships with friends and colleagues which is smaller than is considered desirable (social loneliness), as well as situations where the intimacy in confidant relationships one wishes for has not been realized (emotional loneliness). To identify people who are lonely direct questions are not sufficient; loneliness scales are preferred. In this article, the quality of the three-item scale for emotional loneliness and the three-item scale for social loneliness has been investigated for use in the following countries participating in the United Nations “Generations and Gender Surveys”: France, Germany, the Netherlands, Russia, Bulgaria, Georgia, and Japan. Sample sizes for the 7 countries varied between 8,158 and 12,828. Translations of the De Jong Gierveld loneliness scale have been tested using reliability and validity tests including a confirmatory factor analysis to test the two-dimensional structure of loneliness. Test outcomes indicated for each of the countries under investigation reliable and valid scales for emotional and social loneliness, respectively.

Feeling lonely rather than being alone is associated with an increased risk of clinical dementia in later life and can be considered a major risk factor that, independently of vascular disease, depression and other confounding factors, deserves clinical attention. Feelings of loneliness may signal a prodromal stage of dementia. A better understanding of the background of feeling lonely may help us to identify vulnerable persons and develop interventions to improve outcome in older persons at risk of dementia.

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Objectives. Previous studies have shown that most older people have a significant number of relationships. However, the question of whether the aging of old people produces losses in their personal networks remains open for discussion. This study models the individual variability of the changes affecting multiple personal network characteristics.Methods. Personal interviews were conducted with 2,903 older Dutch adults (aged 55-85) in three waves of a fouryear longitudinal study. Results.A stable total network size was observed, with an increasing number of close relatives and a decreasing number of friends. Contact frequency decreased in relationships, and the instrumental support received and emotional support given increased. Age moderated the effect of time for some of the network characteristics, and for many of them, effects of regression towards the mean were detected. Furthermore, major variations in the direction and the speed of the changes were detected among individual respondents, and nonlinear trends were observed.Discussion. The widely varying patterns of losses and gains among the respondents squares with the focus on the heterogeneity of developments among aging people. The instability of the network composition might reflect the natural circulation in the membership of networks.

This study focuses on the role of social support and personal coping resources in relation to mortality among older persons in the Netherlands. Data are from a sample of 2,829 noninstitutionalized people aged between 55 and 85 years who took part in the Longitudinal Aging Study Amsterdam in 1992-1995. Social support was operationally defined by structural, functional, and perceived aspects, and personal coping resources included measures of mastery, self-efficacy, and self-esteem. Mortality data were obtained during a follow-up of 29 months, on average. Cqx proportional hazards regression models revealed that having fewer feelings of loneliness and greater feelings of mastery are directly associated with a reduced mortality risk when age, sex, chronic diseases, use of alcohol, smoking, self-rated health, and functional limitations are controlled for. In addition, persons who received a moderate level of emotional support (odds ratio (OR) = 0.49, 95% confidence interval (Cl) 0.33-0.72) and those who received a high level of support (OR = 0.68, 95% Cl 0.47-0.98) had reduced mortality risks when compared with persons who received a low level of emotional support. Receipt of a high level of instrumental support was related to a higher risk of death (OR = 1.74, 95% Cl 1.12-2.69). Interaction between disease status and social support or personal coping resources on mortality could not be demonstrated.

The impact of three types of everyday activities (i.e., social, experiential, and developmental) on four cognitive functions (i.e., immediate recall, learning, fluid intelligence, and information-processing speed) and one global indicator of cognitive functioning (Mini-Mental State Exam score) over a period of 6 years was studied in a large 55--85 year-old population-based sample (N = 2,076). A cross-lagged regression model with latent variables was applied to each combination of 1 cognitive function and 1 type of activity, resulting in 15 (3 x 5) different models. None of the activities were found to enhance cognitive functioning 6 years later when controlling for age, gender, level of education, and health, as well as for unknown confounding variables. Conversely, one cognitive function (i.e., information-processing speed) appeared to affect developmental activity. It is suggested that no specific activity, but rather socioeconomic status to which activities are closely connected, contributes to maintenance of cognitive functions.