Since the 1990's, implementation of zero tolerance policies in schools has led to increased use of school suspension and expulsion as disciplinary techniques for students with varying degrees of infractions. An unintended consequence of zero tolerance policies is that school suspension or expulsion may increase risk for contact with the juvenile justice system. In the present study, we test how forced absence from school via suspension or expulsion and chosen absence from school (truancy) are associated with the likelihood of being arrested. Using month-level data from 6,636 months from a longitudinal study of delinquent adolescents (N = 1,354; 13.5 % female; 41.5 % Black, 33.5 % Hispanic-American, 20.2 % White), we compare the likelihood of being arrested, within individuals, for months when youth were and were not suspended or expelled from school and for months when youth were and were not truant. Finally, we test if these associations were moderated by stable demographic characteristics (sex, race, age, history of problem behaviors) and time-varying contextual factors (peer delinquency, parental monitoring, and commitment to school). Being suspended or expelled from school increased the likelihood of arrest in that same month and this effect was stronger among youth who did not have a history of behavior problems and when youth associated with less delinquent peers. Truancy independently contributed to the likelihood of arrest, but this association was explained by differences in parental monitoring and school commitment. Thus, school disciplinary action places youth at risk for involvement in the juvenile justice system and this may be especially true for less risky youth.
Nonsuicidal self-injury is especially common in adolescents and young adults. Self-injury may be related to shame or guilt--two moral emotions--as these differentially predict other maladaptive behaviors. Using a college sample, we examined not only how shame-proneness, guilt-proneness, and internalizing emotional tendencies related to self-injury, but also whether these moral emotions moderate the relation between internalizing tendencies and self-injury. High shame-proneness was associated with higher frequencies of self-injury. High guilt-proneness was associated with less self-injury, although this effect was mitigated at higher levels of internalizing tendencies. These results suggest shame-proneness is a risk factor for self-injury, while guilt-proneness is protective.
Longitudinal investigations that have applied Moffitt's dual taxonomic framework to criminal offending have provided support for the existence of adolescent-limited and life-course persistent antisocial individuals, but have also identified additional trajectories. For instance, rather than a single persistent trajectory, studies have found both high-level and moderate-level persistent offenders. To inform theory and progress our understanding of chronic antisocial behavior, the present study used a sample of serious adolescent offenders (N =1,088) followed from middle adolescence to early adulthood (14-25 years), and examined how moderate-level persistent offenders differed from low-rate, desisting, and high-level persistent offenders. Results indicated that moderate-level persisters' etiology and criminal offense patterns were most similar to high-level persisters, but there were notable differences. Specifically, increasing levels of contextual adversity characterized both moderate-level and high-level persisting trajectories, but moderate-level persisters reported consistently lower levels of environmental risk. While both high- and moderate-level persisters committed more drug-related offenses in early adulthood compared to adolescence, moderate-level persisters engaged in lower levels of antisocial behavior across all types of criminal offenses. Taken cumulatively, the findings of this study suggest that sociocontextual interventions may be powerful in reducing both moderate- and high-level persistence in crime.
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