The authors first describe individual differences in the structure of the self. In the independent self-construal, representations of others are separate from the self. In the interdependent self-construal, others are considered part of the self (H. Markus & S. Kitayama, 1991). In general, men in the United States are thought to construct and maintain an independent self-construal, whereas women are thought to construct and maintain an interdependent self-construal. The authors review the psychological literature to demonstrate that many gender differences in cognition, motivation, emotion, and social behavior may be explained in terms of men's and women's different self-construals. Recognition of the interdependent self-construal as a possible alternative conception of the self may stimulate new investigations into the ways the self influences a person's thinking, feeling, and behaving.

Three studies describe the development and validation of a measure of the relational-interdependent self-construal, which is defined as the tendency to think of oneself in terms of relationships with close others. Study 1 reports the development, psychometric properties, and tests of validity of this new measure. Individuals who scored high on the Relational-Interdependent Self-Construal (RISC) Scale characterized their important relationships as closer and more committed than did individuals who scored low on this measure (Study 1) and were more likely to take into account the needs and wishes of others when making decisions (Study 2). In Study 3, using a dyadic interaction paradigm with previously unacquainted participants, the partners of persons who scored high on the RISC scale viewed them as open and responsive to their needs and concerns; these perceptions were related to positive evaluations of the relationship.

Since the publication of Markus and Kitayama's pivotal article on culture and the self, the concepts of independent, relational, and interdependent self-construal have become important constructs in cultural psychology and research on the self. The authors review the history of these constructs, their measurement and manipulation, and their roles in cognition, emotion, motivation, and social behavior. They make suggestions for future research and point to problems still to be sorted out. Researchers interested in these constructs have many opportunities to make important contributions to the literature in a variety of fields, including health psychology, education, counseling, and international relations.

Electronic mail may be sent to scross® iastate.edu. 1 Brewer & Gardiner (1996), however, argued that a collectivist or group-oriented interdependence is characteristic of men in American culture.2 See Triandis (1995) for an overview of the development and use of various measures of individualism and collectivism. 3 We do know of one related yet unpublished measure by Rude, Welch, and Sandere (1998).

Abstract. Possible selves have been defined as personalized representations of one's self in future states. In a study described in this article, respondents between the ages of 18 and 86 years were asked to describe their hoped-for and feared possible selves. Differences were found across age groups in the categories of possible selves mentioned most frequently and in respondents' evaluations of these possible selves. Moreover, respondents scoring low in life satisfaction generated different possible selves than those high in life satisfaction. Possible selves are conceptualized as psychological resources that are instrumental in motivating and defending the self in the course of adult development.Life span researchers are developing a consensus about the importance of the self for understanding adult development and aging