Maurice Garin won the first Tour de France in 1903, and Lance Armstrong won in 1999, providing 86 races for analysis (after cancellations for war). Participation, fan interest, and success have been heavily French and by continent almost exclusively European. The bounded population of occurrences and singular geographical locus combine for a useful analytical frame for investigating how particular sports are affected by national cultures. The second race and the 1998 Tour yielded visible scandals, and there have been many other races where riders were censored even as winners were celebrated. A provocative element within the established bases for opprobrium and honor is that there are two (rather than one) normative frameworks: one of the racers themselves and the other of the surrounding society, originally French and now increasingly global. The research intends to illustrate the frequent tension and strong discontinuity between the increasingly complex surrounding normative order and the more contained normative order of the Tour participants. Culture use sports to celebrate moral values by valorizing competitors as heroes. However, the 1998 Tour and the lingering crisis of trust in the integrity of the event in 1999 create the prospect of systemically induced rule infractions and the demise of the sport hero.
OF TIGER WOODS ings, as soon as one looks across cultures wide divergences occur.Mass media stories of sportfound in biography and autobiography, novels and short stories, documentary and fiction films, photographic display and, most routinely, journalistic accountsrepresent a superb empirical window on sociocultural meanings. Stories, or narratives, are the human vehicle by which layers of the social order connect, survive, or die relative to each other. And athletic endeavor, as critic Gerald Early observes (1994,131), somehow produces a heightened "need for narrative, for language, for story." Like all serious narratives, sports narratives do not merely recount events; rather, they relate events in ways that are evocative and persuasive in terms of the worldviews of putative audiences. Sports stories distill consensually accepted virtues in such realms as aesthetics, justifications for conduct, and goals of action into popularly accessible forms. For the researcher, therefore, these stories provide a ready and decisive entry-point into the moral order of dominant and local cultures.We use the term "moral order" not in a specific and narrow sensee.g., in the sense of customary vs. iconoclastic ways being defined as "moral" or "immoral" -but rather in the broad sense of a collective consciousness that is integral to a culture and that constitutes the foundations of social relationships, appropriate behavior, even good and evil (Durkheim, 1992(Durkheim, /1957. Although morals in this sense pertain to what we commonsensically think of in individual terms (mind, feelings, emotional commitments to values, and rules), they are fundamentally social; indeed, it is the collective nature of morals that gives them force (Turner, 1992, xxxvii).Key to the moral order is the definition of boundaries. Every society articulates boundaries that separate the acceptable from the unacceptable, insiders from outsiders, laudable acts from contemptible ones. The demarcation of these boundaries, penalties for transgressions, and rationales for these codes are woven through the fabric of the society, entwined with categories of thought, modes of language, distributive patterns, and maintenance of social equilibrium."Much of moral reasoning is metaphorical reasoning," said cognitive linguist George Lakoff (1996, 5). Sport, we contend, has long been a metaphorical vehicle for the negotiation and explication of moral boundaries; and stories of sport, which are further amplified, multiplied, and disseminated via modern mass media, manifest, reinforce, and help construct preferred visions of the moral order. Moral dimensions of sport may protrude sharply in topical news coverage of problematic athletes and episodesfor example, Tonya Harding, Mike Tyson, Latrell Sprewell. They
The paper presents data documenting adolescent-parent intergenerational patterns of belief and practice for a range of religious factors. Results show discontinuity in orientation toward the religious institution; partial continuity over religious beliefs; and similarity in meanings attached to classic religious symbols. The patterns suggest intergenerational differences may be more in theform of expression than in belief; and that symbolic data may be a useful complement to belief and behavioral data for making intergenerational comparisons.
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