We examined the relationship among perceived parental psychological control (PPC), self‐concept, and empathy, from adolescence to emerging adulthood. Child Development Project longitudinal data analyses indicate that, when adolescents notice PPC at age 13, they have poor self‐concept (less competence) at age 16, and they show less empathic concern (EC) toward others at age 24. The indirect effects of self‐concept at age 16 are significant for EC, but not for perspective taking (PT). Moreover, perceived PPC at age 13 does not directly predict their EC at age 24, but it does their PT at age 24, and these results were found regardless of the gender of the parents and adolescents. Our results shed light on poor self‐concept in adolescence as a mechanism by which PPC impairs healthy emotional development from adolescence to emerging adulthood.
We examined the relationship of perceived parental psychological control (PPC) to aggression and whether this relationship could be accounted for by indirect effects through need satisfaction and motivation for revenge. In our mediation models with need satisfaction, perceived PPC consistently shows indirect effects on aggression via the relatedness component of need satisfaction in all models, but not via the autonomy and competence components. Further, in a mediation model with vengeance only, psychologically controlled children reported greater motivation for revenge, which then predicted more aggression. In path models with the three needs and vengeance added in the later step, indirect effects through first thwarted need satisfaction and vengeance are significant, and the indirect effect via relatedness is most consistently significant. The results suggest that perceived PPC thwarts need satisfaction and motivates people to yearn for revenge, which facilitates aggression. Our findings can shed light on the mechanisms through which PPC facilitates aggression.
We examine if psychological intimate partner violence (pIPV) is predicted by parental psychological control (PPC) via insecure attachment. Our results analyzing longitudinal data from the Child Development Project show that PPC perceived at age 16 predicts insecure attachment at age 18, which then predicts pIPV at age 24. Moreover, the paths with attachment anxiety are consistently significant while ones with attachment avoidance are not. Further, all the paths are significant regardless of the gender of the adolescents and parents, which indicates that PPC is detrimental regardless of the gender of the adolescents or parents. Lastly, PPC perceived at age 16 does not directly predict pIPV at age 24, which suggests that social learning theory of aggression ( Bandura, 1978 ) may not explain the association from PPC to pIPV. Our results suggest that research and practice would benefit by considering PPC as an antecedent of pIPV via insecure attachment from adolescence to emerging adulthood.
Parental psychological control (PPC)'s association with romantic relationships and the mechanisms through which PPC impairs relationship qualities remain crucial questions to understanding PPC. To this end, we examine if insecure attachment at age 18 mediated the association between PPC perceived at age 16 and jealousy at age 22. Our results showed that PPC perceived at age 16 predicted attachment anxiety at age 18, which then predicted jealousy at age 22. Both mothers' and fathers' models show significant mediational paths, although only mothers' mediational paths remain significant when entered together with fathering in the model. The paths were significant regardless of the gender of the adolescents. The results suggest that adolescents of psychologically controlling parents may experience compromised attachment security during early emerging adulthood and carry that insecure attachment into their romantic relationships later in emerging adulthood. We discuss the implications for interventions and policy‐making.
Recent research has emphasized emotion’s role in non-utilitarian judgments, but has not focused much on characteristics of subjects contributing to those judgments. The present article relates utilitarian judgment to individual disposition to experience various emotions. Study 1 first investigated the relationship among state emotions and utilitarian judgment. Diverse emotions were elicited during judgment: guilt, sadness, disgust, empathy, anger, and anxiety, etc. Using psychological scales, Study 2 found that trait emotions predict the extent of utilitarian judgments, especially trait anger, trait disgust, and trait empathy. Unlike previous research that designated emotions only as factors mitigating utilitarian judgment, this research shows that trait anger correlates positively with utilitarian judgment. On the other hand, disgust and empathy correlated negatively. Guilt and shame—though previous research argued that their absence increased utilitarian judgment—appear unrelated to the extent of utilitarian judgment. These results suggest that people’s emotional dispositions can affect their judgment. This finding might contribute to untangling the complex mechanisms of utilitarian judgments.
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