The realization of Polish passives is influenced by the specific properties that a given participle shares with its verbal base. These include: argument structure and aspectual type, the conjugation class and the phonological properties of the stem. This paper offers an account of how these variables are reflected in the exponence and morphophonology of Polish passives. The paper presents an analysis of the distribution of Passive Participle Markers-ł-/ɫ/,-t-/t/,-n-/n/ and-on-/ɔn/ in Polish within a syntactic approach to word formation (Jablonska 2004; Caha 2009, Embick & Marantz 2008). I also address the issue of the morphophonological mutations attested in Polish passive participles and postulate that they should not be given a uniform analysis. The alternation between /ɛ/ and /a/ attested in Polish ej-and e-verbs is suppletive in nature, while mutations attested in the thematic marker-ną-∼-nię-/nɔ/∼/ɲɛ/ and the Passive Participle Marker-on-∼-eni-/ɔn/∼/ɛɲ/ are triggered by the integration of floating features into the structure of the said exponents.
The paper postulates that the propensity of Polish velar consonants to undergo palatalization is the consequence of the activity of a violable constraint which requires autosegmental place nodes to be associated with one and only one element. Since velars are the only consonants which lack place specification, the spreading of the palatality element |I| onto velars leads to the avoidance of the violation of the relevant constraint. As the palatalizing element |I| must entertain the status of the head, the underapplication of Surface Velar Palatalization before the front mid nasal vowel /ɛ̃/, headed by element |L|, and the vowel /ɛ/ found in some borrowings and headed by element |A|, is enforced by the constraint punishing representations in which more than one element plays the role of the head.
Artykuł postuluje, iż kształt reprezentacji segmentów mowy w językach świata jest regulowany przez aktywność zasady *Hydra, która wskazuje jako nacechowane takie reprezentacje segmentalne, w których więcej niż jeden element pełni funkcję elementu nadrzędnego. W artykule wykazujemy, iż w językach takich jak francuski czy portugalski zasada *Hydra ma decydujący wpływ zarówno na kształt inwentarza samogłosek nosowych, jak i na wyniki pewnych procesów fonologicznych. Równocześnie zachowanie samogłosek nosowych w języku joruba wskazuje na nieabsolutną naturę zasady *Hydra. W języku polskim aktywność tej zasady jest niezbędna do zrozumienia zjawiska braku zmiękczenia spółgłosek tylnojęzykowych w kontekście samogłoski nosowej /ɛ/͂ oraz mechanizmów odpowiedzialnych za fakt, iż morfonologiczne zmiękczenia spółgłosek tylnojęzykowych, wargowych i zębowych mają miejsce w kontekście tych samych przyrostków słowotwórczych. The paper proposes that the phonological make-up of segments is influenced by the activity of the constraint *Hydra, which penalizes the presence of more than one headed element per one phonological expression. *Hydra influences the shape of the inventories and the phonological behaviour of nasal vowels in languages such as French and Brazilian Portuguese. At the same time, the behaviour of nasal vowels in Yoruba shows that *Hydra a violable constraint. In Polish, the high ranking of *Hydra proves necessary to account for the absence of Surface Velar Palatalization before the front nasal vowel /ɛ/. It also allows us to formulate a unified account of the 1st Velar and Anterior Palatalization, which have very different structural descriptions but take place before the same set of derivational affixes.
The claim of the article is that the distribution of vowel quantity in Standard Scottish English is sensitive to the substantive complexity of the following consonant, which may block the licensing originating in the V position that follows the potential long vowel (Licensing Absorption). Licensing Absorption interact with the scale of the preponderance of A element within the featural make-up of licensed vowels thus deriving the attested pattern of the distribution of vowel length in SSE.
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