Background Arab Americans' experiences during the COVID-19 pandemic have been largely undocumented. Disparities in vaccine hesitancy between non-Hispanic Whites and minoritized groups have been observed, warranting exploration into the prevalence of COVID-19 vaccine hesitancy among Arab Americans. Methods Data from the Survey of Arab Health in America (SAHA) (n = 638), collected between May 2020 and September 2020, were analyzed to determine predictors for vaccine intention among Arab Americans. Chi-squared tests and logistic regression models were performed to determine the relationship between sociodemographic, immigration, acculturation, and COVID-19 risk variables and vaccine intention. Results More than half (56.7%) of respondents reported an intention to be vaccinated with a COVID-19 vaccine, 35.7% reported uncertainty, and 7.5% reported being unlikely to receive a vaccine. Of those unlikely to receive the vaccine, 72.9% were women and 85.4% reported moderate to high religiosity (p < 0.01). Arab American women had higher odds of being uncertain of their vaccine intention (OR = 1.68; 95% CI: 1.10, 2.57) or being unlikely to receive the vaccine (OR = 5.00; 95% CI: 1.95, 12.83) than men in this sample. Discussion Factors such as high religiosity and gender were positively associated with being unlikely to receive a COVID-19 vaccine. Future studies should qualitatively assess the beliefs that undergird vaccine intention among Arab Americans.

Background: Black women in the United States experience maternal mortality three to four times more often than white women (1, 2). States vary in degree of disparity, partially due to programs and policies available to pregnant people. In Massachusetts, Black women were approximately twice as likely as white women to experience pregnancy-associated mortality, with a large percentage of these deaths reported to be preventable (3).Methods: Using Massachusetts as a state-level comparison to national policies, we searched the US Congress and Massachusetts legislative databases for maternal health policies from 2010 to 2020. We screened 1,421 national and 360 Massachusetts bills, following set inclusion/exclusion criteria. Data analysis included (1) assessment of bill characteristics, (2) thematic analysis, and a (3) quality appraisal following an adapted model of the analytical framework for evaluating public health policy proposed by the National Collaborating Centre for Healthy Public Policy. Additionally, our data analysis identified the level of racism (internalized, interpersonal or institutional) that each policy addressed.Results: From 2010 to 2020, 31 national and 16 state-level policies were proposed that address maternal health and racial disparities. The majority of policies addressed racism at the institutional level alone (National: N = 19, 61.3%, Massachusetts: N = 14, 87.5%). Two national and two Massachusetts-level policies became law, while two national policies passed only the House of Representatives. Our critical appraisal revealed that the majority of unintended effects would be neutral or positive, however, some potential negative unintended effects were identified. The appraisal also identified 54.8% (n = 17) of national policies and 68.8% (n = 11) of Massachusetts with positive impact on health equity.Conclusions: There has been an increase in policies proposed addressing racial disparities and health equity in maternal health over the last 10 years. Although half of national policies proposed showed positive impact on health equity, shedding light on the work the U.S. is doing on a federal level to confront the Black maternal health crisis, only two policies made it to law, only one of which addressed racial disparities directly and had a positive impact on health equity.

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BackgroundWhile an estimated 70%–75% of the health workforce are women, this is not reflected in the leadership roles of most health organisations—including global decision-making bodies such as the World Health Assembly (WHA).MethodsWe analysed gender representation in WHA delegations of Member States, Associate Members and Observers (country/territory), using data from 10 944 WHA delegations and 75 815 delegation members over 1948–2021. Delegates’ information was extracted from WHO documentation. Likely gender was inferred based on prefixes, pronouns and other gendered language. A gender-to-name algorithm was used as a last resort (4.6%). Time series of 5-year rolling averages of the percentage of women across WHO region, income group and delegate roles are presented. We estimated (%) change ±SE of inferred women delegation members at the WHA per year, and estimated years±SE until gender parity from 2010 to 2019 across regions, income groups, delegate roles and countries. Correlations with these measures were assessed with countries’ gender inequality index and two Worldwide Governance indicators.ResultsWhile upwards trends could be observed in the percentage of women delegates over the past 74 years, men remained over-represented in most WHA delegations. Over 1948–2021, 82.9% of delegations were composed of a majority of men, and no WHA had more than 30% of women Chief Delegates (ranging from 0% to 30%). Wide variation in trends over time could be observed across different geographical regions, income groups and countries. Some countries may take over 100 years to reach gender parity in their WHA delegations, if current estimated trends continue.ConclusionDespite commitments to gender equality in leadership, women remain gravely under-represented in global health governance. An intersectional approach to representation in global health governance, which prioritises equity in participation beyond gender, can enable transformative policymaking that fosters transparent, accountable and just health systems.