Uma nova visão para regionalização do mercado de trabalho árabe qual apresenta, analisa e discute os dados disponíveis sobre trabalhadores migrantes árabes no CCG, a importância das remessas desses trabalhadores para seus países de origem, o impacto que as políticas de nacionalização da força de trabalho do Golfo podem ter sobre a comunidade árabe expatriada na região e a possibilidade de reversão na tendência de substituição de mão de obra árabe por aquela asiática no CCG.
This article proposes a revised approach to the mainstream definition and understanding of the term ‘Global South’ by anchoring its meaning in a relational view of space. Secondly, it presents the GCC-Mercosur agreement as a case study that illustrates the obstacles involved in the making of spaces in the Global South. The main research question addressed here is: Why has the GCC-Mercosur framework agreement failed to materialize into a meaningful economic space? This question will be answered through David Harvey’s theoretical insights and Doreen Massey’s relational approach to space, as well as post-structural geography. This article argues that the promise of increased trade and investment was the basis on which the GCC-Mercosur economic space was designed, but the narrowness of the framework agreement’s scope and the socio-political relations organized around it have not been able to sustain or strengthen this Global South space. This study employs discourse analysis as its main methodological technique, grounded on a Foucauldian understanding of the empirical properties of discursive activities. It concludes by advocating for the need to incentivize a broader engagement of civil society in the processes of Global South space making.
This paper describes and analyses the experiences of two Brazilian professors in teaching History and International Relations of the Middle East and the Arab World, both at undergraduate and graduate levels. Essentially, this paper is an exercise of comparison between the limits faced – but also the possibilities found – by the authors in the development of their activities as Latin American professors promoting the study of the Middle East and the Arab World in Brazil. Its main aim is to help scholars involved with these subject-matters to reflect on their pedagogical practices and on the knowledge they are promoting (or inhibiting) with their research proposals and teaching procedures. Anchored in the methodological techniques of participant observation and critical curriculum analysis, this paper reaches the conclusion that the socialisation of Brazilian scholars in the Anglo-Saxon literature on the Middle East when not mediated by a critical posture towards these parochial knowledges that pretend to be global, can make them more reproducers of the discourses produced in the North about the region than thinkers of the Global South capable of offering their educatees a space of knowledge production that is meaningful to them as Brazilian students.
Esse artigo objetiva investigar a evolução das relações entre o Sudão do Sul e a China tendo como fio condutor a triangulação complexa entre o desenvolvimento da indústria petrolífera no Sudão, o processo de independência sul-sudanês e os interesses energéticos chineses na região. Para atingir tais objetivos, inicialmente, serão apresentados e discutidos os pressupostos da teoria da “Fragilidade Estatal”, sobre os quais se assenta esse artigo. Em seguida, serão descritas e analisadas as condições do desenvolvimento do setor petrolífero no Sudão, o envolvimento da China no processo de independência do Sudão do Sul, e seu papel decisivo para que os líderes do movimento de independência se mantivessem no poder no pós-2011. Finalmente, na conclusão, será discutido o papel das commodities estratégicas e da China na consolidação estatal de novos Estados africanos.
Esta breve análise de conjuntura irá argumentar que formas alternativas de teorizar, ensinar, pesquisar e publicar em RI (Relações Internacionais) precisam ser construídas sobre os alicerces da dessacralização da produção acadêmica e intelectual do Norte e do sepultamento definitivo da noção de que apenas "o Ocidente" é coincidente com a modernidade e de que "o não-ocidental" somente pode entrar no mundo moderno (e em seu momento pós- moderno) na medida em que ele emula as normas estabelecidas na Europa Ocidental e nos Estados Unidos
This paper analysis the evolution of the US force structure after 1975 in two core aspects: foreign policy and military modernization. Building on the works of Clausewitz (2003) and Mearsheimer (1981), we argue that a country's force structure should be based mainly on foreign policy considerations. The evolution of the US Army followed this logic until its defeat in Vietnam (1975), but this traumatic event precipitated reforms in the US military force before a proper reformulation of the country’s foreign policy objectives had been achieved. Therefore, these reforms created a "syndrome" that would deform and reform the US strategic culture inadequately. The new military doctrine, Air-Land Battle (ALB) was not oriented towards long-term political objectives, but rather by purely operational and tactical issues of combat, which proved harmful for the US interests in the long-run. Hence, we propose to analyze the Iraq Wars (1991-2003) as labs for this New American Way of War, the first empirical applications of ALB. We conclude by demonstrating that the disregard for post-war planning ended up forcing a prolonged and costly American involvement in the Middle East and damaging the country’s international image.
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