This article explores the relationship between supply chain pressures in parcel delivery and how the , including the costs of failed delivery, underpins contractual differentiation. It focuses on owner-drivers and home couriers paid by delivery exploring precarity through the lens of the labour process, while locating it within the supply chain, political ine it (Behring and Harvey, 2015). Focus on the labour process shows how self-employment is used to remove so-time from U " (2006) concept of double indeterminacy the article captures the dynamic relationship between those on standard and non-standard contracts and interdependency of effort power and mobility power. It exposes the apparent mobility and autonomy of dependent self-employed drivers while suggesting that their presence, alongside the increased use of technology, reconfigures the work-effort bargain across contractual status.

The protracted dispute between British Airways and BASSA (British Airways Stewards and Stewardesses Association) was notable for the strength of collective action by cabin crew. In-depth interviews reveal collectivism rooted in the labour process and highlight the key agency of BASSA in effectively articulating worker interests. This data emphasizes crews' relative autonomy, sustained by unionate on-board 'managers' who have defended the frontier of control against managerial incursions. Periodic attempts to re-configure the labour process, driven by cost cutting imperatives in an increasingly competitive airline industry, eroded crews' organizational loyalties. When BA imposed radical changes to contracts and working arrangements, BASSA successfully mobilized its membership. The article contributes to labour process analysis by emphasizing the collective dimensions to emotional labour, restoring the 'missing subject', but also articulating the interconnections between labour process and mobilization and the role unions can play in providing the organizational and ideological resources to legitimate worker interest.

Austerity places intense pressures on labour costs in paid care. In the UK, electronic monitoring technology has been introduced to record (and materially reduce) the working time and wages of homecare workers. Based on empirical findings, we show that, in a 'time of austerity', care is reductively constructed as a consumption of time. Service users are constructed as needy, greedy, time-consumers and homecare workers as resource-wasting time-takers. We point to austerity as a temporal ideology aimed at persuading populations that individual deprivation in the present moment, self-sacrifice and the suppression of personal need in the here and now is a necessary requirement to underpin a more secure national future. Accordingly, women in low-waged care work are required to eschew a rightsbearing, present-tense identity and are assumed willing to suppress their entitlements to lawful wages as a sacrifice to the future. By transforming our understandings of 'care' into those of 'time consumption', and by emphasizing the virtue of present-tense deprivation, a politics of austerity appears to justify time-monitoring in care provision and the rationing of homecare workers' pay.

This article explores the use of Electronic Monitoring (EM) in homecare and its impact on the ratio of paid to unpaid working time. It argues that whilst Zero Hours Contracts (ZHCs) blur the distinction between paid and unpaid labour, the introduction of EM can formalise and regulate the demarcation between the two. In the context of local authority commissioning and constrained budgets, the combination of EM and ZHC's may excise so‐called ‘unproductive’ but available labour from homecare. In particular, the minute‐by‐minute commissioning of care that EM facilitates means the cost of homecare is anchored in the time that worker's spend in client's houses, squeezing out paid travel, time between visits, training and supervision. Paid working time is minimised whilst maximising the use of unpaid time with resulting intensification of care labour.

A B S T R AC TThis article explores age as a factor defining the labour market experience of older women. Drawing upon work histories it argues that discrimination on the grounds of age is bound up with gender, race and class. Older women described how all three categories had structured their working lives, with occupational and sectoral segregation underpinning a legacy of disadvantage. Intersectionality provides a tool to explore the interaction of social divisions over the life course, in preference to those privileging the instability and diversity of social identities. Although the testimonies of older women underline the need to situate their experiences within a unified system characterized by capitalist economic relations. The research enables analysis of the workers perceptions of the changing nature of work and the way that age can be constructed in terms of advantage and disadvantage within specific occupations and sectors already defined in terms of gender and race.