This paper presents evidence against the existence of sonority-driven stress in Gujarati. Gujarati is one of the clearest and most revealing cases of sonority-driven stress with distinctions among peripheral vowels. A production experiment was performed to determine the accuracy of the claim that [a] attracts stress away from the default position. Of the five types of phonetic evidence examined, only F1 provides clear evidence for stress, revealing stress to be consistently penultimate, and not sonority-driven. As Gujarati is one of the core cases of sonority-driven stress, this finding challenges the claim that it exists. However, this paper does not exclude the possibility that stress may avoid schwa (or central vowels), as reported for several languages. Theoretical and methodological implications are discussed, particularly for theories that have a ‘symmetric effect’ and for descriptions that are impressionistic.

This paper presents new acoustic evidence against sonority-driven stress in Gujarati. Gujarati has been the subject of more stress descriptions than any other sonority-driven stress case, and is one of the very few where stress is reported to be sensitive to multiple sonority levels. However, all these impressionistic descriptions of Gujarati stress disagree with each other in significant ways. In contrast, this paper presents the results of a production experiment. Acoustic measurements show that [a] does not attract stress away from the default position; instead, stress consistently falls on the penultimate syllable. If such a well-described case as Gujarati does not have sonority-driven stress, it is possible that none of the other cases do either, challenging Kenstowicz (1997)'s and de Lacy (2002 et seq.)'s theories that metrical structure can be sensitive to sonority. If so, the lack of such stress systems presents a challenge to the phonological property of symmetric effect found in a number of theories.

We argue that there is no adequate evidence for 'sonority-driven stress', building on Shih (2018a,b), and disagreeing with Kenstowicz (1997), de Lacy (2002a, 2004, 2006), and others. More precisely, we argue that there is no phonological mechanism that induces metrical structure to deviate from its default position for reasons that involve the direct interaction of segmental sonority and foot form. After reviewing the history of sonority-driven stress theory, we identify two broad issues with extant evidence: the lack of methodological reliability, and misattribution of cause. We argue that impressionistic descriptions of sonority-driven stress are not reliable, in the technical sense of evidentiary validity. We further argue that apparent sonority-sensitivity in foot form is a side-effect of either allophony or minor syllable behavior.

This paper investigates the acoustic correlates of stress in European Portuguese. Using a nonce word experiment, this study controls the phonological environment of the stimuli so stressed and unstressed vowels with the same quality can be directly compared. Of the five acoustic measures examined, duration is the most robust correlate of stress, but the effect is limited to certain vowels and speakers. Care is taken to separate the effects of independent phonological processes on acoustic properties that are also influenced by stress.

This paper makes novel claims and presents new evidence for the binarity of prosodic phrases, alignment of focused elements, and their interaction. Several authors have argued that there are binarity restrictions at the level of the prosodic phrase (e.g. Prince 1980, Ito & Mester 1992, Selkirk 2000). In this paper, I provide new support for this claim from Taiwan Mandarin (TM). I argue that prosodic phrases must be decomposed into Minor Phrases (MIPs) and Major Phrases (MAPs) (Selkirk et al. 2004), and that both levels can have minimal and maximal binarity restrictions. Crucially, MAPs must be binary in TM. Moreover, I argue – after Féry (2013) – that focused elements can require both left and right edge alignment of a constituent (in TM, a MIP). Finally, I show that requirements on binarity and focus can interact in striking ways – a binarity restriction on MAPs prevents alignment to the right edge of focused elements in specific environments.