In recent years there has been a proliferation of writing on the meaning of home within the disciplines of sociology, anthropology, psychology, human geography, history, architecture and philosophy. Although many researchers now understand home as a multidimensional concept and acknowledge the presence of and need for multidisciplinary research in the field, there has been little sustained reflection and critique of the multidisciplinary field of home research and the diverse, even contradictory meanings of this term. This paper brings together and examines the dominant and recurring ideas about home represented in the relevant theoretical and empirical literature. It raises the question whether or not home is (a) place(s), (a) space(s), feeling(s), practices, and/or an active state of state of being in the world? Home is variously described in the literature as conflated with or related to house, family, haven, self, gender, and journeying. Many authors also consider notions of being-at-home, creating or making home and the ideal home.In an effort to facilitate interdisciplinary conversations about the meaning and experience of home each of these themes are briefly considered in this critical literature review.

Young people who experience homelessness, in Australia and in other western contexts (US, Canada, England), are widely perceived to use and abuse alcohol and drugs. The available research indicates that homeless young people use all drug types, whether injected or otherwise, more frequently than their home‐based peers. Debate exists in the research and policy literature about whether drug use is a cause or consequence of homelessness. In a study exploring homeless young peoples reasons for leaving home, we examined the relationship between young people's drug use and their pathways into homelessness. Brief qualitative interviews were conducted with 302 homeless young people (12–20 years). Following a thematic analysis of interview transcripts, four pathways into homelessness involving personal or familial drug use were identified. One‐third of the participants indicated that personal or familial drug use was a critical factor in them leaving home. Of these, just over half indicated that personal drug use was a direct or indirect cause of their homelessness and one‐quarter indicated that familial drug and alcohol use was the critical factor that led them to leaving home. One‐quarter indicated that their drug use only began after they became homeless. Family conflict, if not family breakdown, was implicated in all four pathways out of home.

The authors examine how the properties of peer networks affect amphetamine, cocaine, and injection drug use over 3 months among newly homeless adolescents, aged 12 to 20 in Los Angeles (n = 217; 83% retention at 3 months) and Melbourne (n = 119; 72% retention at 3 months). Several hypotheses regarding the effects of social network properties on the peer influence process are developed. Multivariate logistic regression analyses show that higher concentrations of homeless peers in networks at recruitment were associated with increased likelihood of amphetamine and cocaine use at 3-month follow-up. Higher concentrations of injecting peers were associated with increased risk of injection drug use 3 months later. Change in network structure over time toward increased concentrations of homeless peers was associated with increased risk of cocaine use and injecting. Higher density networks at baseline were positively associated with increased likelihood of cocaine and amphetamine use at 3 months.

The Risk Amplification and Abatement Model (RAAM), demonstrates that negative contact with socializing agents amplify risk, while positive contact abates risk for homeless adolescents. To test this model, the likelihood of exiting homelessness and returning to familial housing at 2 years and stably exiting over time are examined with longitudinal data collected from 183 newly homeless adolescents followed over 2 years in Los Angeles, CA. In support of RAAM, unadjusted odds of exiting at 2 years and stably exiting over2 years revealed that engagement with pro-social peers, maternal social support, and continued school attendance all promoted exiting behaviors. Simultaneously, exposure to family violence and reliance on shelter services discouraged stably exiting behaviors. Implications for family-based interventions are proposed.

The aim was to identify from empirical research that used quantitative or qualitative methods the reasons women give for having an abortion. A search was conducted of peer-reviewed, English language publications indexed in eight computerized databases with publication date 1996-2008, using keywords 'abortion' and 'reason' (Medline: 'induced abortion' OR 'termination of pregnancy' OR 'elective abortion' and 'reason'). Inclusion criteria were empirical research on humans that identified women's reasons for undergoing an abortion, conducted in 'high-income' countries. 19 eligible papers were found. Despite variation in methods of generating, collecting, and analysing reasons, and the inadequacy of methodological detail in some papers, all contributed to a consistent picture of the reasons women give for having an abortion, with three main categories ('Woman-focused', 'Other-focused', and 'Material') identified. Ambivalence was often evident in women's awareness of reasons for continuing the pregnancy, but abortion was chosen because continuing with the pregnancy was assessed as having adverse effects on the life of the woman and significant others. Women's reasons were complex and contingent, taking into account their own needs, a sense of responsibility to existing children and the potential child, and the contribution of significant others, including the genetic father.

Purpose-To examine the effect of time spent homeless on young people's substance use and use of drug and alcohol services in two countries with contrasting policy and service environments.Methods-A cross-national survey was conducted of recently homeless and experienced homeless young people in Melbourne (N=674) and Los Angeles (N=620). Questions were asked about alcohol and drug use in the past three months, frequency of use, injecting drug use, drug dependency and perceived need for, and use of, drug and alcohol services. Data were analyzed using logistic regression.Results-Substantial numbers of young people reported use of alcohol and drugs. More Australians than Americans and more experienced than newly homeless reported drug use, although there were no differences in frequency of use in the past three months. Polydrug use was common, as were injecting drugs and responses that signified drug dependency. All were more common among Australians and experienced homeless young people. A substantial number of young people had 'ever' taken part in a drug or alcohol program but only a minority believed that they needed help from services. Of these, only a minority had sought help. This was particularly so among those who were classified as drug dependent. Reasons for failure to seek help varied.Conclusion-Substance use is alarmingly high compared to national samples of young people, especially among those who had been homeless for longer periods. Programs to reduce substance use must take account of the prevailing drug cultures, as well as different sub-groups of the population. KeywordsYouth; adolescents; Australia; Homeless young people; substance use; drug and alcohol services Homeless young people are a group widely perceived to be at risk for alcohol and drug use, yet little is known about the impact of time spent homeless on their alcohol and drug use [1][2][3][4][5][6][7]. Even less is known about homeless young people's use of drug and alcohol services.Correspondence author: Prof. Doreen Rosenthal, Key Centre for Women's Health in Society, The University of Melbourne, Parkville, Melbourne, Victoria 3070 Australia. Publisher's Disclaimer: This is a PDF file of an unedited manuscript that has been accepted for publication. As a service to our customers we are providing this early version of the manuscript. The manuscript will undergo copyediting, typesetting, and review of the resulting proof before it is published in its final citable form. Please note that during the production process errors may be discovered which could affect the content, and all legal disclaimers that apply to the journal pertain. Australia and the U.S. are similar in some dimensions (both Western, with large immigrant populations and with strong focus on individualistic norms) and with some similarities in services (e.g., community based agencies that often have low levels of funding). However in Australia, service providers for homeless young people are more likely to be experienced professionals trained in youth work, social ...

Predictors of perceived family bonds were examined among homeless young people who initially left home one year earlier. Newly homeless young people aged 12–20 years who had recently left home were recruited in Los Angeles County, United States () and Melbourne, Australia () and followed longitudinally at 3, 6, and 12 months (follow‐up rates ranging from 72% to 86% overall). These homeless young people varied substantially in their bonds to their families. Family bonds at one year were predicted in multivariate regression analyses by having significantly fewer problem behaviours when leaving home and decreasing rates of problem behaviours over the next year. Having more emotional support and more instrumental financial support were also significantly associated with greater family bonds one year later. These results suggest that efforts to reunite families may be a viable intervention strategy for newly homeless young people.

Abstract165 newly homeless adolescents from Melbourne, Australia and 261 from Los Angeles, United States were surveyed and followed for two years. Most newly homeless adolescents returned home (70% U.S., 47% Australia) for significant amounts of time (39% U.S., 17% Australia more than 12 months) within two years of becoming homeless. Keywordshomeless; homeless youth; runaways; Australia A large number of cross-sectional, epidemiological studies have documented the high rates of risky health behaviors and negative outcomes for homeless youth (i.e., runaway/throwaway youth) [1]. Representative cross-sectional data suggest that 1.7 million youth [2], approximately 7.6% of U.S. youth, experience at least one night of homelessness annually [3]. Globally, there is a perception that leaving home leads to chronic homelessness, but there are no longitudinal data to support or dispute this assumption. This study examines the rate and timing of returning home over 24 months among samples of newly homeless youth in Los Angeles, California and Melbourne, Australia. MethodsEach newly homeless youth was identified by an interviewer conducting a 13-item screening that established whether the youth: 1) was aged 12 to 20 years; 2) had spent at least two consecutive nights away from home (after being ejected or leaving without a guardian's permission); and 3) had lived away from home for less than six months. Time away rather than number of homeless episodes defined a newly homeless adolescent as determined from conversations with service providers. The sampling procedure varied slightly across countries, reflecting differences in the type, number, and geographical distribution of agencies serving homeless youth and policies in each setting [4]. In California, the probabilities of newly homeless youth presenting in each shelter (n = 17) and street site (n = 13) were assessed and an interviewing rotation plan was designed to yield a representative sample. In Australia, recruitment was based on staff referral from 95 service and homeless service agencies in Melbourne. In Los Angeles, 261 newly homeless youth were recruited (58% female; 23%For correspondence and reprint requests, contact Dr. Norweeta Milburn, UCLA, Center for Community Health, 10920 Wilshire Blvd., Suite #350, Los Angeles, CA, 90024-6521. Telephone: (310) 794-3773; Fax: (310) 794-8297; E-mail: nmilburn@mednet.ucla.edu Publisher's Disclaimer: This is a PDF file of an unedited manuscript that has been accepted for publication. As a service to our customers we are providing this early version of the manuscript. The manuscript will undergo copyediting, typesetting, and review of the resulting proof before it is published in its final citable form. Please note that during the production process errors may be discovered which could affect the content, and all legal disclaimers that apply to the journal pertain. African American, 43% Latino, and 20% White) and 165 newly homeless youth in Melbourne were recruited (75% female) ranging from 12 to 20 years old (M = 17.3; SD = 1...