The affective primacy hypothesis (R. B. Zajonc, 1980) asserts that positive and negative affective reactions can be evoked with minimal stimulus input and virtually no cognitive processing. The present work tested this hypothesis by comparing the effects of affective and cognitive priming under extremely brief (suboptimal) and longer (optimal) exposure durations. At suboptimal exposures only affective primes produced significant shifts in Ss' judgments of novel stimuli. These results suggest that when affect is elicited outside of conscious awareness, it is diffuse and nonspecific, and its origin and address are not accessible. Having minimal cognitive participation, such gross and nonspecific affective reactions can therefore be diffused or displaced onto unrelated stimuli. At optimal exposures this pattern of results was reversed such that only cognitive primes produced significant shifts in judgments. Together, these results support the affective primacy hypothesis.

The ethical and legal implications of decisions to withhold and withdraw life support have been widely debated. Making end-of-life decisions is never easy, and when the cultural background of doctor and patient differ, communication about these issues may become even more difficult. In this study, we examined the attitudes of people aged 65 and older from different ethnic groups toward foregoing life support. To this end, we conducted a survey of 200 respondents from each of four ethnic groups: European-American, African-American, Korean-American and Mexican-American (800 total), followed by in-depth ethnographic interviews with 80 respondents. European-Americans were the least likely to both accept and want life-support (p < 0.001). Mexican-Americans were generally more positive about the use of life-support and were more likely to personally want such treatments (p < 0.001). Ethnographic interviews revealed that this was due to their belief that life-support would not be suggested if a case was truly hopeless. Compared to European-Americans, Korean-Americans were very positive regarding life-support (RR = 6.7, p < 0.0001); however, they did not want such technology personally (RR = 1.2, p = 0.45). Ethnographic interviews revealed that the decision of life support would be made by their family. Compared to European-Americans, African-Americans felt that it was generally acceptable to withhold or withdraw life-support (RR = 1.6, p = 0.06), but were the most likely to want to be kept alive on life-support (RR = 2.1, p = 0.002). Ethnographic interviews documented a deep distrust towards the health care system and a fear that health care was based on one's ability to pay. We concluded that (a) ethnicity is strongly related to attitudes toward and personal wishes for the use of life support in the event of coma or terminal illness, and (b) this relationship was complex and in some cases, contradictory.

This research empirically tests whether using a fictional narrative produces a greater impact on health-related knowledge, attitudes, and behavioral intention than presenting the identical information in a more traditional, nonfiction, non-narrative format. European American, Mexican American, and African American women (N = 758) were surveyed before and after viewing either a narrative or non-narrative cervical cancer-related film. The narrative was more effective in increasing cervical cancer-related knowledge and attitudes. Moreover, in response to the narrative featuring Latinas, Mexican Americans were most transported, identified most with the characters, and experienced the strongest emotions. Regressions revealed that transportation, identification with specific characters, and emotion each contributed to shifts in knowledge, attitudes, and behavioral intentions. Thus, narrative formats may provide a valuable tool in reducing health disparities.

The present research examined the possibility that repeated exposure may simultaneously produce specific and diffuse effects. In Study 1, participants were presented with 5-ms exposures of 25 stimuli each shown once (single-exposure condition) or with five repetitions of 5 stimuli (repeated-exposure condition). Participants in the repeated-exposure condition subsequently rated their own mood more positively than those in the single-exposure condition. Study 2 examined whether affect generated by subliminal repeated exposures transfers to unrelated stimuli. After a subliminal exposure phase, affective reactions to previously exposed stimuli, to new but similar stimuli, and to stimuli from a different category were obtained. Previously exposed stimuli were rated most positively and novel different stimuli least positively. All stimuli were rated more positively in the repeated-exposure condition than in the single-exposure condition. These findings suggest that affect generated by subliminal repeated exposure is sufficiently diffuse to influence ratings of unrelated stimuli and mood.