The objective of this study is to examine Malaysian's perspective on political changes in Malaysia during the Covid-19 pandemic. Not only did the 2018 election return Mahathir to power, but it also ended the six-decades-long one-party hegemony of Barisan Nasional (BN). Yet Mahathir's return to power is not only potentially transformative for Malaysian domestic politics. It also has far-reaching strategic implications. Similar to previous elections, the battle lines of GE14 will be drawn mainly on domestic issues rather than foreign affairs. In fact, there is a dearth of scholarly literature examining the precise relation between Malaysia's foreign policy and general elections. Domestically, the victory of Pakatan Harapan (PH) to win 2018 National Election had paved a way for several changes in the nation. However, after 22 months the PH government collapsed amidst a dramatic series of events in February 2020; with major issues of failure in fulfilling their manifesto. A new government overthrew the PH ruling side when one of the parties withdrew from the PH coalition, forming new government consisting Muhyiddin's new Perikatan Nasional (PN). Ironically, this new government is argued to survive the immense internal and external challenges it faces in the coming months due to Covid-19 pandemic. Fundamental policies in managing the pandemic brings crucial accountability that highlighted their governance credibility. This study thus focuses on the perception of the Malaysian community amidst the changes towards this political scene. To understand this, interviews and questionnaires were adopted online which involved 950 respondents randomly selected. The data was then analyzed using the Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS) software application. The results show that the respondents are well informed, knowledgeable and aware of political change issues as the pattern is fairly consistent by sex, age, and ethnic grouping. Findings from this study provide insight into the importance of awareness in generating political awareness and public
An early communist movement in Malaysia (formerly Malaya) was a reaction to the emergence of the ideology and its movement in Indonesia and China. Malaysian Communist Party (MCP) was established in 1930 as a political and militant movement -mainly inspired by the communist Party in the Republic of China -though we cannot fully admit that the party was fully controlled by China or other communist countries. MCP's aim was to gain independence from the British colonialization but at the same time also aiming at securing the Chinese community in the country. MCP was popular among the Chinese but not the Malays in Malaysia. The methodology of this research is based on declassified data gathered from British National Archive (which later footnoted as CAB, CO, WO etc) and various secondary readings. This paper argues that although MCP was inspired and instigated by international communist movement it was actually problematic at a local (or societal) level-the failure was mainly in domestic political sphere. In relation to this, it would appear that the MCP strategy to conjunct international (and regional) forces cannot meet its domestic needs. The lessons from outside were actually not consistent with developments from within; they not well fitted in with Malaysian facts.
This paper challenges to identify the origins behind the weakness of the relationship between the centre and regions in Sudan, through examining the major principles of resource governance mainly during federal system and interim period following the singing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement in 2005. It demonstrates that, within the country, successive constitutions and their relevant laws have empowered the centre over resource governance and weakened lower units and thus, they fuel contestation between the centre and regions. The main objectives of this paper are to categorize allocation of power over resource between different tires of government, and to clarify institutional capacity of revenue distributive among regions as well. Content analysis is used to analyze a body of data that contains document, reports, articles and interviews. The paper shows that centralized nature of the government influences tailoring of equitable allocation of power over resource. Wealth sharing' institutions emergent during interim period of peace such as Fiscal, Finance, Allocation and Monitoring Commission were found weak, consequently, were impeded shortly after peace collapsed in 20011, as well as the absence of adequate, fair criteria challenges appropriate allocation of wealth among regions. The paper also finds that presence of authorized devolution system is only the way to secure reasonable distribution of power between the centre and regions, adequate distribution of revenue among regions and normalize the relationship between different tiers of government. This work contributes to knowledge as it deepens the
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