There is mounting evidence that language comprehension involves the activation of mental imagery of the content of utterances (Barsalou, 1999;Bergen, Chang, & Narayan, 2004;Bergen, Narayan, & Feldman, 2003;Narayan, Bergen, & Weinberg, 2004;Richardson, Spivey, McRae, & Barsalou, 2003;Stanfield & Zwaan, 2001;Zwaan, Stanfield, & Yaxley, 2002). This imagery can have motor or perceptual content. Three main questions about the process remain under-explored, however. First, are lexical associations with perception or motion sufficient to yield mental simulation, or is the integration of lexical semantics into larger structures, like sentences, necessary? Second, what linguistic elements (e.g., verbs, nouns, etc.) trigger mental simulations? Third, how detailed are the visual simulations that are performed? A series of behavioral experiments address these questions, using a visual object categorization task to investigate whether up-or down-related language selectively interferes with visual processing in the same part of the visual field (following Richardson et al., 2003). The results demonstrate that either subject nouns or main verbs can trigger visual imagery, but only when used in literal sentences about real space-metaphorical language does not yield significant effects-which implies that it is the comprehension of the sentence as a whole and not simply lexical associations that yields imagery effects. These studies also show that the evoked imagery contains detail as to the part of the visual field where the described scene would take place.
TMR provides the greatest benefit to memories recalled with a low degree of accuracy prior to sleep. The memory benefits of TMR may also be contingent on direct cue-memory associations.
Learning a new word involves integration with existing lexical knowledge. Previous work has shown that sleep-associated memory consolidation processes are important for the engagement of novel items in lexical competition. In 3 experiments we used spaced exposure regimes to investigate memory for novel words and whether lexical integration can occur within a single day. The degree to which a new spoken word (e.g., cathedruke) engaged in lexical competition with established phonological neighbors (e.g., cathedral) was employed as a marker for lexical integration. We found evidence for improvements in recognition and cued recall following a time period including sleep, but we also found lexical competition effects emerging within a single day. Spaced exposure to novel words on its own did not bring about this within-day lexical competition effect (Experiment 2), which instead occurred with either spaced or massed exposure to novel words, provided that there was also spaced exposure to the phonological neighbors (Experiments 1 and 3). Although previous studies have indicated that sleep-dependent memory consolidation may be sufficient for lexical integration, our results show it is not a necessary precondition.
The constraints that govern acceptable phoneme combinations in speech perception and production have considerable plasticity. We addressed whether sleep influences the acquisition of new constraints and their integration into the speech-production system. Participants repeated sequences of syllables in which two phonemes were artificially restricted to syllable onset or syllable coda, depending on the vowel in that sequence. After 48 sequences, participants either had a 90-min nap or remained awake. Participants then repeated 96 sequences so implicit constraint learning could be examined, and then were tested for constraint generalization in a forced-choice task. The sleep group, but not the wake group, produced speech errors at test that were consistent with restrictions on the placement of phonemes in training. Furthermore, only the sleep group generalized their learning to new materials. Polysomnography data showed that implicit constraint learning was associated with slow-wave sleep. These results show that sleep facilitates the integration of new linguistic knowledge with existing production constraints. These data have relevance for systems-consolidation models of sleep.
We review a body of behavioral and neuroimaging research relating to the acquisition and integration of novel words. An important outcome from this research is that different aspects of knowledge associated with learning a new word become established over different time scales. We suggest that the temporal dissociations found in word learning are due to the application of and interaction between complementary learning systems in the brain, with rapidly acquired episodic representations stored via the medial temporal lobes and slower learning supported by neocortical systems. We discuss the implications of this model for understanding the earliest stages of learning a novel word and for learning words in a second language. Learning New WordsThroughout your adult life you are constantly exposed to novel words. These could be encountered through exposure to a foreign language or they could be part of your native tongue. Consider the extremely rare English word jussulent, which means full of soup or broth. Whether you are a native or nonnative speaker of English, you likely experienced some confusion or surprise on encountering this word and therefore you have just participated in a word learning experience. In this article we describe behavioral and neuroimaging evidence on the consequences of learning new words, be they nonnative or native. You encountered the word jussulent orthographically, but in this article we will
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