Indigenously fabricated portable gamma-ray spectrometer (PGRS) is used for the measurement of gamma activity of 214 Bi (1.76 MeV) and 208 TI (2.62 MeV), under field conditions in Mohar area, Shivpuri Distt.(MP). The energies are discriminated by using a Nal (TI) crystal of size 1.75" × 2". PGRS used to map the primordial elemental distributions shows reversals of concentration of thorium and uranium (represented by radium group) in field and lab analysis in many samples, which is attributed to the inhomogenity of distribution of these elements in the area. The concept of difference in the volume of dish shaped field sample and the randomly picked up sample from the field grid point (400 gm in lab analysis) is utilized to interpret the inhomogenity of these elements. However interpretations are based on the assumption that these primordial elements (U, Th) are in secular equilibrium and the terrain has low topographic relief.
Even though Bihar appears to have been a non-functioning state, it will intrigue any observer to scan Table 1, which shows a relatively low incident of crime perpetuated against the Dalits in the state. They comprise only 3.4 percent of the total of such crimes in India. 1 In contrast, other major Hindi Heartland states account for much larger shares of crimes against Dalits-Madhya Pradesh (16.1 percent), Rajasthan (18.7 percent) and Uttar Pradesh (28.7 percent). Such a massive record of crime in the Hindi Heartland states (except Bihar) can be attributed to the non-functioning character of tl1e r~spective state governments. But even in developed and functioning states like Andhra Pradesh (7.5 percent), Tarnilnadu (5.4 percent) and Karnataka (5.4), the crime committed against the Dalits is higher than in Bihar. Ironically, these states had all witnessed authentic social reform movements, yet the track record in terms of atrocities against the Dalits is not good 2 • With only 2.0 percent share of the total number of crimes, it appears that Maharashtra did not live on the laurel of its anti-Brahmin tradition alone; over and \ above it, it had a dedicated Dalit-cen:tric movement. Being horne of B. R. Arnbedkar, the Dalit movement has some strong grounds in the state 3. With a functioning state and an empowered Dalit constituency, Maharashtra did not allow atrocities against this highly rnarginalised section of the population. In Bihar, the Dalit constituency could not acquire an autonomous character, but it was very much a part of the radical class struggle in the state. From the Congress to all the left parties, including the Naxalites, Dalit issues had occupied big spaces in their programmes. It was not driven by 'positive discrimination' only. Even though Dalit empowerment in the state. was distinct, radical and powerful, it could not produce leaders like Kanshi Ram or Mayawati 4 • Contrary to gener. a.l impression, occurrence of crime is not necessarily inversely pr.oportional to the state of the art technological endowment of the law enforcing authorities. Crimes could also be controlled, if the society creates certain benchmarks of norms, evolved through inclusive historical process, even with a lackadaisical state structure. If the state of the art technology could be the principal instrument for controlling crime, then the United States of America should have been a crime-free country, for po country has a more technologically equipped enforcement agency in the world than the USA. On the other side, the Scandinavian countries are nearly crime-free, not only
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