Neoclassical economists consider education to be one of the key determinants of women entering the labour market. The higher the level of education, the greater is women's participation in the labour market. [Becker (1980); Mincer (1980)]. However, the structuralist school does not look at it so simply. In their view there are many other factors besides education which compel women to· sell their labour power. [Benham (1980); Strober (1980)]. The principal factor compelling women to sell their labour is income. Therefore, according to the structuralist school the lower is women's household income, the greater is their compulsion to enter the labour market. How does this square with neoclassical theory? The structuralist school states that household income is the primary determinant of women's sale of labour power. Therefore, in a society divided by income groups lower income class women will tend to sell their labour power more. However, within each income group an increase in education will increase the supply of women's labour and its returns. Due to inadequate data, relatively little analytical work on this issue has been undertaken so the present study is an attempt to explore why some married women are engaged in earning activities, while some of them are not. Our sample consists of ever-married women, because normally they are considered independent, and their status is equal to their male partners. So they have relatively more choice in entering the labour market compared to unmarried women. A comparison of this kind will help us to identify the factors besides education in determining women's supply of labour in the market.
Investment in human capital is as important for growth as physical capital. The objective of this paper is to establish the importance of some factors, that affect the decision of a household to send their children who are of school going age, between 5-14 years, to school in urban areas. This paper is divided into five sections, Section 2 reviews the relevant schooling literature for Pakistan. Section 3 points some theoretical hypotheses describing the data and Section 4 presents the analysis, and finally Section 5 presents some conclusions.
The VUCA (Volatility, Uncertainty, Complexity, and Ambiguity) business environment is characterized by fast changes, the focus on diverse employees, and the challenge of working with unpredictable and demanding customers. The purpose of this paper is to analyze a specific strategic role of human resource management (HRM) in generating a sustainable competitive advantage in the VUCA world. The research questions in this study are related to determining the role of HRM in creating a sustainable competitive advantage in the VUCA environment, identifying HRM strategies to achieve a sustainable competitive advantage, and detecting examples of successful businesses. The chosen method is a literature review based on analyzing studies found in EBSCOHost, ProQuest, Google Scholar, Emerald Insight, and ScienceDirect databases. It has been determined that the role of HRM in generating a sustainable competitive advantage in the VUCA environment is extremely important and even strategic. If the motivated workforce is effectively selected, developed, and supported, it can significantly contribute to the organization's performance and sustainability. Useful strategies include the promotion of diversity, the recruitment and selection of talents oriented toward innovation, performance management, training and development. Amazon and Google are the examples of successful businesses applying HRM for achieving a sustainable competitive advantage.
Since 1980 many developing countries have adopted two major macroeconomic strategies: Stabilisation and Structural Adjustment. A generally held view regarding the impact of these macroeconomic strategies is that it led to unemployment, low investment, decline in real wages, capital flight, rise in inequality and poverty. All these resulted in deterioration in living conditions of the poor in the short run.1 In some cases, the long run benefits, if any, of these programmes are sacrificed due to the high social costs in the short run. A number of studies, examining the impact of the observed macroeconomic impact of the Structural Adjustment Policies (StAP), report mixed impact on women. For example, on the one hand, Khan (1999) found an increasing trend in feminisation of agricultural labour2, and feminisation of poverty3 while Brown (1992), on the other hand, reports employment as a key factor in determining women’s empowerment and argues that some aspects of economic reforms hold for improvement in the long-run. The argument is based on the assumption that greater economic role for women offers protection and that employment itself mitigates against domestic violence. However, the overall effect of structural adjustment is difficult to measure as it varies across countries, across sectors, and across individuals within a household.
This paper focuses on (1) The estimation of urban child labour, (2) Analysis of its determinants, (3) Analysis of some of its conditions and their sectoral determinants, and finally puts forward some possible solutions. This paper is divided into four sections. Section 2 explains the conceptual and analytical framework and describes the data set. Section 3 analyses the empirical evidence and finally Section 4 gives the conclusions and recommendations.
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