Food consumption has become the subject of many prescriptions that aim to improve consumers' health and protect the environment. This study examined recent changes in food practices that occurred in response to prescriptions. Based on practice theories, we assume that links that connect practices with prescriptions result from evolving social interactions. Consistent with the life-course perspective, we focus on distinctions between public prescriptions and standards that individuals consider relevant to their lives. We rely on quantitative data and the results of qualitative fieldwork conducted in France. Our results suggest that consumers may change food practices when they reach turning points in their lives. They may reconsider resources, skills and standards. Middle-and upper-class individuals are more likely to adopt standards consistent with public prescriptions. Possible explanations are that they trust expert knowledge sources, their social networks are less stable and smaller gaps exist between their standards and prescriptions.

BackgroundThe specific role of major socio-economic indicators in influencing food preparation behaviours could reveal distinct socio-economic patterns, thus enabling mechanisms to be understood that contribute to social inequalities in health. This study investigated whether there was an independent association of each socio-economic indicator (education, occupation, income) with food preparation behaviours.MethodsA total of 62,373 adults participating in the web-based NutriNet-Santé cohort study were included in our cross-sectional analyses. Cooking skills, preparation from scratch and kitchen equipment were assessed using a 0–10-point score; frequency of meal preparation, enjoyment of cooking and willingness to cook better/more frequently were categorical variables. Independent associations between socio-economic factors (education, income and occupation) and food preparation behaviours were assessed using analysis of covariance and logistic regression models stratified by sex. The models simultaneously included the three socio-economic indicators, adjusting for age, household composition and whether or not they were the main cook in the household.ResultsParticipants with the lowest education, the lowest income group and female manual and office workers spent more time preparing food daily than participants with the highest education, those with the highest income and managerial staff (P < 0.0001). The lowest educated individuals were more likely to be non-cooks than those with the highest education level (Women: OR = 3.36 (1.69;6.69); Men: OR = 1.83 (1.07;3.16)) while female manual and office workers and the never-employed were less likely to be non-cooks (OR = 0.52 (0.28;0.97); OR = 0.30 (0.11;0.77)). Female manual and office workers had lower scores of preparation from scratch and were less likely to want to cook more frequently than managerial staff (P < 0.001 and P < 0.001). Women belonging to the lowest income group had a lower score of kitchen equipment (P < 0.0001) and were less likely to enjoy cooking meal daily (OR = 0.68 (0.45;0.86)) than those with the highest income.ConclusionLowest socio-economic groups, particularly women, spend more time preparing food than high socioeconomic groups. However, female manual and office workers used less raw or fresh ingredients to prepare meals than managerial staff. In the unfavourable context in France with reduced time spent preparing meals over last decades, our findings showed socioeconomic disparities in food preparation behaviours in women, whereas few differences were observed in men.Electronic supplementary materialThe online version of this article (10.1186/s12937-017-0281-2) contains supplementary material, which is available to authorized users.

The objectives of this study were to estimate the age of complementary feeding introduction (CFI) and investigate the related health, demographic, and socio-economic factors. Analyses were based on 10,931 infants from the French national birth cohort ELFE, born in 2011. Health, demographic, and socio-economic data concerning infants and parents were collected at birth (face-to-face interviews and medical records) and 2 months (telephone interviews). Data on milk feeding and CFI practices were collected at birth and 2 months then monthly from 3 to 10 months using online or paper questionnaires. The associations between both health and social factors and CFI age were tested by multivariable multinomial logistic regressions. The mean CFI age was 5.2 ± 1.2 months; 26% of the infants started complementary feeding before 4 months of age (CF < 4 months), 62% between 4 and 6 months of age, and 12% after 6 months of age (CF > 6 months). CF < 4 months was more likely when mothers smoked, were overweight/obese, younger (<29 years), and used their personal experience as an information source in child caregiving and when both parents were not born in France. CF < 4 months was less likely when the infant was a girl, second-born, when the mother breastfed longer, and had attended at least one birth preparation class. Mothers of second-born infants and who breastfed their child longer were more likely to introduce CF > 6 months. Couples in which fathers were born in France and mothers were not born in France were less likely to introduce CF > 6 months. CF < 4 months occurred in more than 25% of the cases. It is important to continue promoting clear CFI recommendations, especially in smoking, overweight, young, not born in France, and nonbreastfeeding mothers.