O padrão político-partidário brasileiro já mudou muito e continua em mudança. As eleições de 2018 foram disruptivas. Romperam o eixo partidário-eleitoral que organizou governo e oposição nos últimos 25 anos e por seis eleições gerais. O novo governo começou embalado em altas expectativas e muita controvérsia. Bolsonaro formou, tardiamente, uma coalizão minoritária, mais por pressão do que por convicção. A pandemia adicionou um agravante inédito e muito sério ao quadro. A pandemia produziu centenas de milhares de mortes e levou à convocação de uma comissão parlamentar de inquérito para investigar erros e omissões do Executivo Federal. Ela vem cobrando ao governo alto preço em legitimidade política. A atitude político-institucional do presidente tem provocado impasses decisórios e crise política, diante da pior crise que o país já enfrentou. Há sinais de risco à democracia e institucional. No terceiro ano de governo, Bolsonaro tem perdido popularidade e gerado mais crises políticas do que soluções. O objetivo deste artigo é analisar estas mudanças e suas graves consequências político-institucionais.
In this article, I provide a brief overview of the importance of biodiversity and its value for Brazil and for the world. This theme will be on the Brazilian and global agendas over the coming decades. In the case of Brazil, vast biological diversity is a clear resource for global influence and a valuable tool of soft power that, along with other resources, constitutes a hugely important asset for the country's economic and social progress. I also briefly examine favorable conditions for the country (other aspects of soft power) and challenges that must be confronted, in particular accentuated by the current national political context.
O autor examina criticamente o processo regulatório brasileiro, à luz da experiência internacional e da análise acadêmica mais recente, visando propor algumas medidas que permitam ao atual governo usar os processos de regulação, privatização e desregulação como partes integrantes e coerentes de uma política mais global de reforma do Estado. O texto se divide em duas grandes partes, sendo que a primeira engloba um quadro básico de referências conceituais e comparativas, agregando críticas sobre a experiência brasileira passada e recente; na segunda parte, há uma serie de sugestões elencadas como contribuição à formulação de uma nova política regulatória para o Estado brasileiro.
Introdução; 2. As duas faces da empresa estatal,' 3. As dimensões da autonomia da empresa estatal; 4. A empresa estatal e o padrão produtivo; 5. Conclusões.
t he climate change conference in Copenhagen was host to a summit of global leaders unprecedented in the recent history of diplomacy. the 15th conference of the parties to the Climate Convention was unique in the history of the Conference of the Parties (CoP). It had more global leaders -more than one hundred -than any conference since Rio 92. Civil society had never been so mobilized. a CoP conference was never preceded by so many demonstrations and actions calling for a climate change agreement in keeping with the principal recommendations of the best climate science available.despite the presence of the global political elite and an unprecedented demonstration of globally organized civil society, what made both the global summit and CoP15 unique was the confused and melancholic conclusion. Why did a meeting that took place in the most favorable context in recent times, with a broad window of opportunity for a good agreement, end in ambiguity and subterranean impasses? Direct Processthe leaders of the principal world nations were involved in direct negotiations, over content and detail, without the preliminary work of diplomats and technocrats, as always takes place in this type of meeting. normally, highlevel staff negotiate and draft the result, and the politicians revise the text, sign it and take the commemorative photograph. at Copenhagen, the leaders negotiated and debated the final text, which they did not sign, and left without a photo or a formal conclusion to the summit. In a direct negotiating process like this one, without a superior level for appeal and without preliminary diplomatic work, the impasses that can be amicably resolved are addressed and those that have no immediate amicable solutions are ignored.after the arrival of the heads of state and government, CoP15 came to a complete halt. another unprecedented element was that a political summit of government leaders intervened in a formal diplomatic meeting with a preestablished agenda and regulatory procedures. It was clear since the start that a political route would be opened in the negotiations, yet there was no clear plan to merge the political process into the legal negotiations within the framework of the un Climate Convention. It would have been necessary for the summit agreement to have a kind of political "software" that would allow it to be properly transcribed from the plane of direct negotiations among heads of state, to the formalities of the united nation's legal process. But this "software" was not
A crise da democracia se expressa, em todo o mundo, como desconfiança na política e pela contestação dos partidos e políticos tradicionais. No Brasil, as aflições da transição global se somaram aos efeitos negativos de falhas sucessivas de governança, que levaram a um ciclo reiterado de expansões curtas seguidas de estagnação e recessão, além dos históricos déficits sociais refletidos na miséria, na pobreza e na desigualdade estruturais.
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