Introduction. The article is devoted to the problematization and conceptualization of influence, as well as the potential for participation of higher education institutions, as educational and scientific centers, in the formation and implementation of gender and sexual policies in modern European countries, which are widely debated and ambiguously perceived in society. Methods. The article conceptualizes the concepts of gender and sexual policy in two senses: as a sphere of the struggle for power, as well as a system of technologies and actions in solving socially important problems. As a theoretical and methodological framework, the principles of social constructionism are used in interpreting the content, meaning and research of technologies for the formation of public representations and culture on issues of intimate and inter-sexual relations. Based on the use of general scientific methods and the heuristic potential of the Overton window concept, a scheme is proposed for explaining and studying the participation of universities in the “promotion” of relevant policies and politics. Results. The heuristic potential of the concept of “Overton’s Window” to the political science problematization, interpretation and explanation of the “soft power” potential of modern universities in shaping, discussing the social and political agenda on sexual and gender culture in Europe is revealed. It is shown that sexual and gender policies in society can be aimed at changing the values, perceptions and norms of the organization of interactions in the relevant areas of life, both at the level of individual practices and social institutions. Social and communicative technologies (informed discussion, events, creation of terms, name-calling) that are (un)intentionally used in the framework of higher education institutions to normalize and politicize ideas, perceptions and values regarding gender issues, the organization of sexual life can be interpreted as important tools for transforming unthinkable practices and beliefs into the category of not only acceptable, eligible on the existence of a pluralism of views, but also dominant in political discourse. Discussion. The issue of the ethical principles of the implementation of the “soft power” strategy by European universities, as well as the political and social sense and consequences of radical transformations in gender and sexual culture and the structure of society, present in the discourses of European academic science and education, remains open and poorly studied.
This article is dedicated to the analysis of protest activity of the Russian youth in the context of the institutionalization of the global digital politics. The contradictions existing in the Russian political system are viewed in the form of conflict, which determines the specificity of the reproduction of protest activity of the representatives of youth cohort. The ambiguities in implementation of state policy manifest as the trigger for the formation of protest activity, including mobilization of social activity of youth in constructive / destructive behavioral practices. Research methodology is comprised of the concept of social action in interpretation of M. Weber, T. Parsons, J. Habermas, as well as the theory of social changes developed by P. Sztompka, which allows relying on the thesis of the mutual interaction of structures in relation to the actors in terms of analysis of youth protest. Interpretation is given to the results of discourse analysis of political media texts on the Internet that was conducted by the authors. The scientific novelty consists in determination of the existing expert opinions on the conditions necessary for minimizing protest activity of the youth, as well as most widespread technologies used for their implementation. Of particular importance are the results of the original empirical study that allow interpreting the two positions, which reflect the opinion within the professional environment on the role of youth in protest movement of the Russian Federation, forming the so-called “ideological foundation” for further reasoning on the state and social activity related to protesting youth.
The purpose of this paper is to analyze the dominating directions and spheres of applications of AI and robotics in everyday practices of the modern Russian society. Emphasis is made on the demand for these innovative systems in various segments of the existing "consumer society" at the national and global levels. The results of theoretical and empirical studies, which determine real and potential risks and threats that emerge in the process of the Russian society's digitalization, are interpreted. The authors study subject-object and service characteristics of "new actors" -"digital assistants"in satisfaction of the needs of various groups of population and substantiate the main consumer trends with representatives of various generation groups and their readiness and abilityat the individual and group levelsfor the positive life activities in the conditions of a new digital culture formation. The specifics of implementation of the Fourth industrial revolution -Industry 4.0in the Russian Federation are determined. Its essence consists in implementation of technical and technological (cybernetic) systems that provide human with the highest living standards and consumer comfort. The authors use theoretical conclusions of the researchers who specialize in the sphere of philosophy of technology and the theory of intellectual systems, the concept of institutionalization, factors of structural transformations of the modern consumer society, and provision of national and global security. Keywords: Digital technologies Á AI Á Consumer society Á Russia Á Priorities Á Threats JEL Code: O33 technological change Á Choices and consequences Á Diffusion processes Á D6 welfare economics
The article attempts to study protest media activism in modern Russia, taking into account the manifestation of its new forms, such as online rallies, as well as an analysis of the prospects for its further application in the protest practice of modern Russia. The conclusion is made about the ambiguity of the use of new media technologies to consolidate the protest potential of the Russian society, which is associated with the presence of trends in the growth of the Internet users and the increase in state control over the sphere of public communications on the Internet.
Статья посвящена поиску перспектив взаимной трансформации онлайн и офлайн форм гражданского протеста в современной России. Исследование основано на критическом анализе отечественной и зарубежной литературы, посвященной проблемам цифровизации и виртуализации политики, в том числе и протестных практик. Помимо этого, авторами использовался качественный контент анализ, позволивший подтвердить тезис о доминировании «диванного активизма» как основной формы онлайн-активности участников протестного сообщества в сети. В статье показано, что развитие интернета и кризис традиционных социально-политических институтов приводят к возникновению новых форм взаимодействия между государством и гражданским обществом по вопросам решения общественно-значимых задач. Пандемия коронавируса привела к вынужденному ускорению процессов цифровизации. Однако увеличение активности в социальных сетях и появление специфических форм онлайн-активности не приводит к замещению офлайн протеста его онлайн аналогом. Виртуальные протесты, по-прежнему, представляются менее значимыми как со стороны активистов, так и со стороны государства, что является следствием попадания виртуальных форм участия «в слепую зону». Акции незамеченные «случайными прохожими» не имеют возможностей к быстрому росту, а значит и не приводят к тому общественному резонансу, необходимому для решения обозначенной проблемы.
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